Positive Money | November 2023
Positive Money response to Renters (Reform) Bill: call for written evidence
Positive Money welcomes the opportunity to respond to this call for evidence.
Positive Money is a not-for-profit research and campaigning organisation, working towards
reform of the money and banking system to support a fair, democratic and sustainable economy.
We are funded by trusts, foundations and small donations.
Our submission draws on evidence from our 2022 report Banking on Property, and other
research and policy work we have been involved with relevant to this consultation.
For more information please contact Ellie McLaughlin on 07554 209640 or email
ellie.mclaughlin@positivemoney.org.uk.
Key points:
We support efforts to reform the private rental sector in ways that increase affordability,
security and conditions for tenants.
Existing measures within the bill must be strengthened in order to deliver on the
government's stated aim of creating a fairer private rented sector. This includes ensuring
the abolition of assured shorthold tenancies and section 21 evictions without delay,
closing loopholes that would allow unfair evictions to continue, and increasing security of
tenure.
Other measures to improve the rights of tenants should be introduced, including the
government’s stated commitment to make it illegal for landlords and agents to have
blanket bans on renting to tenants in receipt of benefits or with children, and requiring
landlords to ensure rental properties meet higher energy efficiency standards, in line with
science-based net zero targets.
More ambitious measures are needed to make the private rental sector affordable,
including devolving powers to local authorities to introduce rent stabilisation policies and
disincentivise the use of homes for short-term and holiday lets.
To be optimal, these measures should form part of a long-term housing affordability
strategy that aims to stabilise house and rental prices through coordinated taxation and
monetary policy and an increase in the stock of social homes.
1.0 Strengthening existing measures in the bill to make renting more secure and
affordable.
We strongly support measures to rebalance power in the rental market, which is currently
skewed overwhelmingly towards landlords. Measures to increase the affordability of rent, and
increase security and conditions for tenants are urgently needed. Policy changes from the 1980s
onwards, including the sale of social housing, dismantling of rent controls and reduction of
tenants rights, have increased the proportion of the population dependent on the private rental
sector and increased the profitability of buy-to-let, adding significant inflationary pressure to the
housing market. Those excluded from home ownership have not only missed out on property
wealth gains, they have faced higher housing costs, poorer standards, and less housing security
than their home-owning counterparts. As a higher proportion of Black, Asian and other ethnic
minorities have been excluded from home ownership and trapped in the private rental sector, this
1
Positive Money | November 2023
community has suffered disproportionately from high rent prices, no-fault evictions, and poor
conditions in the private rental sector
1
.
The rent affordability crisis has been exacerbated by the Bank of England’s recent interest rates
rises. The Bank’s November Monetary Policy Report notes that recent increases in the Bank
Rate have increased mortgage payments for buy-to-let landlords, which has contributed to the
fastest increase in rent prices in the second quarter of 2023 since 1994
2
. The Bank states that
‘given information asymmetries, moving costs, and other frictions within the rental market,
landlords may temporarily have market power to raise rents’. Recent research from Positive
Money also finds that despite recently escalating rent prices, only a small proportion of
Landlords’ are likely to be impacted by rate rises, due to high proportions of landlords either
owning property outright or not having a full repayment mortgage
3
.
1.1 We strongly support the abolition of assured shorthold tenancies and section 21 ‘no
fault’ evictions, which should be introduced without delay. No-fault evictions are a leading
cause of homelessness
4
and have risen rapidly in recent months
5
. The ability of landlords to evict
tenants at no fault of their own has also contributed to increasingly unaffordable rental prices by
increasing the power of landlords to raise rents, which in September 2023 rents reached record
high levels
6
. Rents are becoming increasingly unaffordable, with price increases outpacing that of
incomes, particularly in London where the affordability crisis is most severe. In the year to 2022,
average rents in London exceeded the ONS housing affordability test of a rent-to-income ratio of
30%, with London’s median rent being equivalent to 35% of the median income
7
. Those on lower
incomes tend to spend a higher proportion of their incomes on housing costs, and across
England, Wales and Northern Ireland, rents in the lowest 25% of the price scale all exceeded the
30% affordability test for low-income households
8
.
1.2 The abolition of assured shorthold tenancies and section 21 no fault evictions should
not be delayed until court reform is achieved. As described above, the precarity faced by
renters is urgent, and court reform would likely take several years to implement
9
. Contrary to
landlord bodies’ argument that the abolition of section 21 evictions in the absence of court reform
may lead to landlords exiting the sector due to increasing costs, thus increasing demand for
rental properties and raising prices
10
, there appears little evidence that this will be the case. Data
from the Ministry of Justice suggests that section 8 grounds-based evictions currently take place
in less time than section 21 evictions
11
. Further, landlords currently generate extremely high
income and property wealth, with little evidence this would be impacted significantly by the
abolition of section 21. Recent research by Positive Money found that landlords are significantly
11
Generation Rent, 21 October 2023. The Renters (Reform) Bill - common questions.
10
Levelling Up, Housing and Communities Committee (2022). Reforming the private rented sector: Written
Evidence Submitted by the National Residential Landlords Association.
9
Commons Library (2023). Renters (Reform) Bill 2022-23.
8
Ibid.
7
ONS, 23 October 2023. Private rental affordability, England, Wales and Northern Ireland: 2022.
6
Recent ONS data shows that average private rental prices paid by tenants in the UK rose by 5.7% in the 12
months to September 2023, the highest annual percentage change since this UK data series began in January
2016. The cost of new lets (rather than renewed tenancies) has risen higher, as of September 2023 having
increased by 10.1% over the last 12 months according to Homelet and Rightmove, and 10.5% according to
Zoopla.
5
The Guardian, 9 November 2023. No-fault evictions in England ‘soaring out of control’ say campaigners.
4
Shelter, 10 May 2023. 50% rise in homelessness due to no-fault evictions in a year.
3
Positive Money (2023). Landlord finances briefing.
2
Bank of England, 2 November 2023. Monetary Policy Report - November 2023.
1
For more detail, see Positive Money (2022). Banking on Property; and Positive Money (2023). The Impacts of
the Housing Crisis on People of Different Ethnicities.
2
Positive Money | November 2023
wealthier than the general population in terms of income, savings and value of their own homes
(not including additional rental properties)
12
. English landlords have approximately 14x more
property wealth than landlords 30 years ago, and according to the English Private Landlord
Survey, the majority of landlords either have no debt (38%), thus taking home all rental income,
or do not have a full repayment mortgage (48%), meaning profitability in the sector is high and
likely only minorly impacted by changes to debt servicing costs
13
.
1.3 Loopholes in the bill that could allow unfair evictions to take place after the abolition
of section 21 should be closed. We are concerned that aspects of the bill seeking to
strengthen grounds for possession remain open to abuse by landlords, and would allow unfair
evictions to continue at scale when the bill comes into effect.
1.4 The ‘no reletting’ and ‘initial protection’ periods should be extended. In the bills current
form, after the first 6 months of a tenancy, a landlord could seek possession of their property
claiming they, or a family member, wish to move into the property, but could put the property back
on the rental market after just three months. This is open to exploitation by landlords seeking to
evict tenants and increase rents. We support, at a minimum, lengthening the 3 month ‘no
reletting period’, to a period of at least 12 months, as recommended by Shelter
14
. The proposed 6
month initial protection period for tenants should also be extended to provide tenants with further
security. We support the Government’s initial proposal, which was for a two-year protection
period
15
, or for a longer three year protection period, with compensation provided to tenants if,
following the protection period, they are evicted on ground for no fault of their own, as
recommended in Positive Money’s Banking on Property report
16
.
1.5 Abandon proposed changes to strengthen anti-social behaviour grounds and double
the notice period for tenants to leave. The changes to anti-social behaviour grounds for
eviction proposed in the bill are also open to exploitation and could be used to enact unfair
evictions. These proposals currently would allow landlords to evict tenants for any behaviour
“capable of causing” nuisance and annoyance, with no minimum notice period. In practice, this
leaves very little protection for tenants to contest false allegations, and fails to take account of the
circumstances of different individuals. We also agree with the concerns raised by Shelter that the
bill must be amended to afford private renters the right to immediate support from local
authorities as soon as a possession notice is served - a right that the bill currently proposes
removing
17
.
1.6 Retain the existing tenant notice period at a minimum. We do not see any need for the
bill's proposed doubling of the notice period that tenants must give to leave a property
unexpectedly from four weeks’ to two months. According to data from Rightmove, letting
agencies are receiving an average of 25 enquiries for every available home to rent as of October
2023
18
, and there have been numerous reports of tenants needing to ‘bid up’ rent prices in order
to secure somewhere to live
19
. Demand is likely to be higher for properties on the lower end of
19
See: The Guardian, 8 April 2023. Bidding wars: inside the super-charged fight for rental properties; Financial
Times, 5 September 2023. Extreme renting: London’s bidding war escalates as rising rates hit buy-to-let.
18
Rightmove, 9 October 2023. Letting agents are receiving 25 tenant enquiries for every rental home.
17
Shelter (2023). Briefing: The Renters (Reform) Bill.
16
Positive Money (2022). Banking on Property.
15
Ministry of Housing, Communities & Local Government (2019). A New Deal for Renting. Resetting the balance
of rights and responsibilities between landlords and tenants: A consultation.
14
Shelter (2023). Briefing: The Renters (Reform) Bill.
13
Ibid.
12
Positive Money (2023). Landlord Finances Briefing.
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Positive Money | November 2023
the price scale, given housing unaffordability (the ratio of rent to income) is more severe for those
on the lower end of the income scale. Given that landlords are unlikely to have difficulty in finding
replacement tenants, such a change simply reduces flexibility for tenants who are more
economically vulnerable than landlords and could leave tenants who are already vulnerable
responsible for paying unaffordable rent in the instance that their circumstances change.
1.7 Reduce the ability of landlords to impose unfair rent increases. Whilst we believe that
rent control policies to limit the level and or rate of increase in rental prices are likely to be a more
effective means of increasing affordability in the sector (as outlined in 4.2), at a minimum, the
annual basis on which landlords are able to implement rent increases ought to be extended to
reduce the frequency of rent increases, and the minimum two-month notice period for tenants
lengthened.
2.0 Introduce the government's stated commitment to make it illegal for landlords and
agents to have blanket bans on renting to tenants in receipt of benefits or with children.
The government recently reiterated
20
the commitment made in the 2022 ‘A Fairer Private Rented
Sector white paper, to make it illegal for landlords and agents to have blanket bans on renting to
tenants in receipt of benefits or with children. These measures are currently missing from the bill.
We support amendments to introduce these measures, which should be robust and ensure that
landlords cannot exploit loopholes such as requiring unaffordable levels of rent upfront or
guarantors for renters in receipt of benefits.
3.0 Increasing the quality and energy efficiency of homes in the private rental sector
3.1 We support the extension of the Decent Homes Standard to the private rental sector,
but further requirements must be introduced to increase energy efficiency in the private
rental sector in line with science-based targets. Climate Change Committee (CCC)
science-based recommendations are clear that the government must set specific dates by which
energy efficiency improvements are made and clean heating units installed for all properties in
order to meet the UK’s net zero targets
21
. We are concerned about the recent scrapping of prior
proposals to require landlords to meet Energy Performance Certificate (EPC) rating C from 2025
in private rented properties, and recommend amendments to the bill to reinstate these, in line
with the CCC’s requirements all rented homes must achieve at least EPC by 2028 in order to
meet the UK’s statutory Net Zero target
22
. The Citizens’ Advice Bureau notes that landlords are 3
times more likely to have over £10,000 in savings than the national average and over 1 in 3
landlords having more than £50,000 in savings - considerably higher than the average £3,800
one-off cost to retrofit a home to EPC C
23
. Combined with claiming back these costs against
income tax bills makes meeting these standards highly achievable for this group.
3.2 Fuel costs should be included in a new statutory definition of rent affordability that is
income-linked. There is no statutory definition of affordable housing
24
, but the broadly used
assessment is that rent or purchase costs should not exceed 30% of household income.
However, this masks the impacts on affordability of higher fuel costs in the private rental sector
24
House of Commons Library (2023). Research briefing: What is affordable housing?
23
Holmes, C, 13 June 2023. 3 reasons why we need better energy efficiency standards in the private rented
sector.
22
Ibid.
21
Climate Change Committee (2020). The sixth carbon budget: buildings.
20
Levelling Up, Housing and Communities Committee (2023). Reforming the Private Rented Sector:
Government’s response to the Committee’s Fifth Report of Session 2022-23.
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Positive Money | November 2023
versus other tenure types
25
. The government should adopt an official metric of affordability, which
includes energy costs as part of housing costs, reflecting the higher costs of energy on poorer
households
26
. This would ensure that retrofits are hard-wired into national efforts to reduce fuel
poverty and the cost of living crisis, and incentivise landlords to retrofit homes to bring the
combined cost of rent and energy down, mitigating the split incentive.
4.0 Further measures to disincentive the use of homes as an asset and stabilise rent and
house prices.
4.1 Introduce measures to stabilise both house and rent prices by addressing the
underlying policy drivers of unaffordable homes. Whilst reforms to the private rental sector in
favour of tenants are urgently needed, escalating rental prices and increasing reliance on the
private rental sector have been driven by a combination of policies that have encouraged the use
of homes as investment vehicles (outlined in Table 1), which are currently not addressed in this
bill nor in the government’s broader policy proposals. The Department for Levelling Up must
reform the outdated property tax system, work with the Bank of England to manage mortgage
lending with the goal of stabilising house prices
27
(rather than simply encouraging First Time
Buyers and Buy-To-Let. for example, by introducing credit allocation and targeted lending policies
to divert private investors to more productive parts of the economy), and rebalance housing
subsidies.
28
Supporting the growth of the social housing sector through policies to shift land to
public and community ownership such as reforming the land registry to improve transparency
around land ownership and value, coupled with concrete mechanisms for non-profit social
housing providers and community groups to have Right of First Refusal and Compulsory
Purchase Powers for land sales, would reduce reliance on the private rented sector and help to
reduce prices.
Table 1: Fiscal and monetary policies that have driven house price rises
Area
How has this affected house prices?
Impact
Taxation
Excluding council taxes, which are passed onto
tenants, UK homes are subject to lower tax rates
than other investments.
29
This encourages wealthy
individuals, overseas non-residents and private
investors to store wealth in homes.
Capital Gains Tax on primary homes
would raise £4-11 billion.
30
If foreign investment in homes had
remained at 2000 levels, prices in 2014
would have been 19% lower.
31
Mortgages &
Lending
There is a feedback loop between mortgage lending,
house prices and levels of household debt. Financial
reforms have dramatically increased the amount of
mortgage credit provided by lenders, including for
the 62% of landlords who use loans to purchase
homes.
32
IMF research found that a 10% growth
in mortgage credit as a percentage of
GDP was associated with a 6% growth
of real house prices.
33
Housing
subsidies
In 1975 over 80% of housing subsidies promoted
the construction of social homes, by 2000 85% went
The value of housing subsidies (cash
payments, social housing and rent
33
IMF. (2011). ‘Housing Finance and Financial Stability—Back to Basics?’. Global Financial Stability Report,.
32
Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities (2021). English Private Landlord Survey.
31
Filipa, S. (2017). The effect of foreign investors on local housing markets: evidence from the UK.
30
Resolution Foundation (2021). Home county: Options for taxing main residence capital gains.
29
Lloyd et al. (2017). Rethinking the Economics of Land and Housing.
28
JRF, 18 January 2023. Housing affordability since 1979: Determinants and solutions
27
Positive Money (2022). Banking on Property.
26
ONS, 31 May 2023. Family spending in the UK: April 2021 to March 2022.
25
ONS, 1 November 2023. Energy efficiency of housing in England and Wales: 2023.
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Positive Money | November 2023
to individual rent payments.
34
Combined with Right
to Buy, this shift has reduced the amount of social
housing in the UK, and pushed money into the rental
market.
controls) has fallen from 16.5% of the
cost of housing services in 1979 to
11.5% in 2019–20.
35
Quantitative
Easing
Expansionary policies, including monetary policy like
QE, increase inflows of money into the property
market and accelerates the affordability crisis.
2014 real house prices would have
been 22% lower without monetary
policy loosening (low interest rates and
QE).
36
4.2 Devolve powers to local authorities to introduce rent stabilisation policies. We strongly
support amendments to facilitate the introduction of measures to stabilise rents, including
through devolving powers to local authorities to introduce rent control policies to limit the level
and or rate of increase in rental prices. Such measures were in place in the UK for most of the
20th century, and are common across Europe and North America
37
. In Austria, Denmark, France,
the Netherlands and Sweden, there are rent controls that limit both the initial rent, and
subsequent rate of rent increases. In more than ten further European countries there are rent
caps that limit the rate of rent increases within tenancies, for example by linking rent to the rate of
wage growth or consumer price inflation (CPI). Rent controls can be introduced gradually and
designed so as to mitigate against the risk of triggering a shortage of rental properties
38
. As well
as reducing the disparity in housing costs faced by different groups within society, rent controls
could support more stable, mixed-income and diverse neighbourhoods.
4.3 Disincentivise investment in property for short-term and holiday lets. Despite housing
and rental unaffordability often being framed as an issue of supply shortage, according to the
most recent census data, there are more homes in the England and Wales than there are
households, with 1.5 million unoccupied dwellings
39
. Measures to optimise the use of existing
housing stock could help to address supply of private rental properties in locations where there is
high demand in the private rental sector. There are various taxation options available, including
reforming Council Tax to a proportional property tax, the foundations of which could be lain by
devolving Council Tax powers to local authorities
40
; bringing Capital Gains Tax (CGT) paid on
second homes, Buy-To-Let and investment properties line with income tax rates; increasing
taxation on non-UK resident companies rental income and removing the transferable main
residence allowance for Inheritance Tax.
40
IPPR (2021). The impact of a proportional property tax in London.
39
ONS (2023). Number of vacant and second homes, England and Wales: Census 2021.
38
NEF (2019). Getting rents under control: How to make London rents affordable.
37
Whitehead, C, 13 February 2019. Rent controls in London? What is being suggested is not new - indeed it
looks pretty mainstream.
36
Bunn et al. (2014). Bank of England Staff Working Paper No. 720: The distributional impact of monetary policy
easing between 2008 and 2014.
35
JRF, 18 January 2023. Housing affordability since 1979: Determinants and solutions
34
Positive Money (2022). Banking on Property.
6