How Media Literacy Supports Civic Engagement in a Digital Age

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How Media Literacy Supports Civic Engagement in a Digital Age How Media Literacy Supports Civic Engagement in a Digital Age

Hans Martens

Renee Hobbs

University of Rhode Island

, [email protected]

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Hans Martens & Renee Hobbs (2015) How Media Literacy Supports Civic Engagement in a Digital Age,

Atlantic Journal of Communication

, 23:2, 120-137, DOI: 10.1080/15456870.2014.961636

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How Media Literacy Supports Civic Engagement in a Digital Age

Hans Martens and Renee Hobbs

Author Note

Hans Martens, Visual Studies & Media Culture Research Group,

University of Antwerp, Belgium

Renee Hobbs, Harrington School of Communication and Media,

University of Rhode Island, Kingston RI USA

Accepted for publication in Atlantic Journal of Communication, July 20, 2013

Editor, Gary P. Radford

Address correspondence to Renee Hobbs

Email: [email protected]

Phone: 978 201 9799

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge the high school administrators and faculty who

invited us into their school and to Armando Morales and Jonathan Friesem who assisted

with data coding.

Abstract

Young people are making active use of the Internet in ways that may or may not

contribute to civic engagement. While some scholars believe civic engagement arises

naturally from digital media use, others believe that media literacy education is needed to

provide the cognitive and social scaffolding that systematically supports civic

engagement. Research with a sample of 400 American high school students explores the

relationship between participation in a media literacy program, academic ability,

frequency of Internet use, information-gathering motives, news and advertising analysis

skills, and the intention towards civic engagement. Findings show that students in a

selective-admission media literacy program have substantially higher levels of media

knowledge, news analysis and advertising analysis skill than other students. Participation

in a media literacy program was positively associated with information-seeking motives,

media knowledge, and news analysis skills. Moreover, information-seeking motives,

media knowledge, and news analysis skills independently contributed to adolescents’

intent toward civic engagement.

Keywords: civic engagement, adolescence, media literacy, Internet, uses and

gratifications, socialization, education, media education

How Media Literacy Supports Civic Engagement in a Digital Age

Scholars have long debated how civic engagement contributes to the quality of

public life. When people forge social connections, it supports the development of social

norms and trust that bring along beneficial effects on education, children’s welfare, safety,

health, happiness, and the quality of government (Putnam, 1995a, 1995b, 2000, 2001).

Within this context, civic engagement is related to political participation in the

conventional sense, but at the same time, it more broadly refers to people’s connections

with the life of their communities (Putnam, 1995b).

For young people, both formal and informal educational experiences may

contribute to building the knowledge, skills and attitudes associated with civic

engagement (Bennett, 2008; Levine, 2011). Citizens not only need access to information,

they also need the means and motives to process that information effectively. In

particular, media literacy programs in American high schools can support the

development of young people’s ability to use, analyze and create media messages (Hobbs,

2007). A constellation of competencies, including knowledge about the media, message

analysis skills, and composition and collaboration skills are thought to be valuable as

students learn to be active participants in responding to news and current events

(Rheingold, 2008). Previous research has already shown that civic engagement is

associated with both social demographic variables and media use habits (Romer,

Jamieson & Pasek, 2009; Quintelier & Hooghe, 2011). In this study, we examine how

media literacy education may support information-seeking motivations and the

development of civic engagement competencies in relation to digital media.

Theory and Research on Digital and Media Literacy Education

Researchers on digital media and learning (DML) are eager to show that

friendship and interest-driven online activities can support the development of “digital

social capital,” laying the foundation for engagement in participatory politics (Cohen &

Kahne, 2012; Jenkins, Clinton, Purushotma, Robison & Weigel, 2007). Participatory

political acts include writing and disseminating a blog post about a political issue,

forwarding a funny online video to one’s social network, or participating in a poetry slam.

Many teens receive news from family members, YouTube posts or an online community

where people discuss a hobby, sport, or fandom. Survey research has found that youth

who engaged in at least one act of participatory politics were almost twice as likely to

report voting in 2010 as those who did not. Researchers believe that such political acts

“allow individuals to operate with greater independence in the political realm,

circumventing traditional gatekeepers of information and influence, such as newspaper

editors, political parties and interest groups” (Cohen & Kahne, 2012, 2).

Others scholars argue that adolescents may rather benefit from more structured

and systematic exposure to school-based collaborative and critical thinking activities that

promote reasoning, information evaluation, respect for diverse perspectives, and civic

engagement competencies. When media literacy education is formally incorporated into

classroom instruction in the secondary grades, teachers help students use, analyze, create,

reflect and make sense of media messages through a guided process of inquiry learning.

Such educational programs provide a kind of intellectual and social scaffolding that

supports the development of civic engagement (Buckingham, 2000; 2003; Hobbs, 2012;

Kellner & Share, 2007).

As we understand it, the competencies of digital and media literacy include the

ability to make responsible choices and access information by locating and sharing

materials and comprehending information and ideas; analyze messages in a variety of

forms by identifying the author, purpose and point of view, and evaluating the quality and

credibility of the content; create content in a variety of forms, making use of language,

images, sound and new digital tools and technologies; reflect on one’s own conduct and

communication behavior by applying social responsibility and ethical principles; and take

social action by working individually and collaboratively to share knowledge and solve

problems in the family, workplace and nation and by participating as a member of a

community (Hobbs, 2010).

Some tension exists among scholars and practitioners about whether it is more

important to build students’ knowledge about mass media industries, messages and

effects (Potter, 2004) or to work with students’ existing media preferences, deepen

conceptual and theoretical understanding as a means to strengthen critical analysis skills,

or promote creative self-expression and social engagement through media production

activities (for review, see Martens, 2010). In the context of secondary education,

educators may blend these approaches, using theoretically-rich core concepts while

supporting students’ knowledge though instructional programs in English language arts

or social studies with substantial focus on critical analysis of news, advertising, issues of

representation and media ownership (Hobbs, 2004).

Theorists and advocates of media literacy have long claimed that it supports the

practice of civic engagement by increasing students’ intellectual curiosity and promoting

self-efficacy. More than forty years ago, Stuart Hall and Paddy Whannel (1964, p. 26)

positioned media education as a means to “provide imaginative experiences which could

help young people deal with some of the problems they face as a result of maturing

quickly and moving at an early age into a more open society” and Neil Postman and

Charles Weingartner (1971) suggested high school reforms based on student-centered

press criticism and social organizing. Contemporary instructional practices of media

literacy often include keeping a media-use diary, using information search and evaluation

strategies, reading/viewing/listening and discussion, close analysis, cross-media

comparison, gaming/simulation/role-playing, and multimedia composition (Hobbs, 2010).

These activities support civic engagement because, as Rheingold (2008) has explained,

participation in the public sphere may be cultivated through media literacy as young

people gain direct experience with the practices of online publishing, discourse, debate,

and collective action.

Framed as an expanded conceptualization of literacy, digital and media literacy

has also been recognized as a tool for strengthening young people’s participation in civic

and political life (Benkler, 2006; Bennett, 2008; Jenkins et al, 2007; Rheingold, 2008),

enabling them to ask good questions, seek out information on relevant issues, evaluate

the quality of information available, and engage in dialogue with others to form coalitions.

A recent study found that nearly half of high school students from 21 high schools in

California had engaged in various classroom activities designed to support media literacy

competencies, including critically analyzing the trustworthiness of websites, using the

Internet to get information about political or social issues, and creating content for the

web. These activities are associated with higher rates of online politically driven

participation (Kahne, Feezell & Lee, 2010).

Media literacy outcomes seem to be dependent upon specific dimensions of the

learning environment. For example, Hobbs and Frost (2003) demonstrated how critical

analysis of news and advertising develops differentially in response to specific classroom

learning environments and Banerjee and Greene (2006) found differences in learning

outcomes between media literacy instructional approaches that emphasized critical

analysis and those emphasizing media production.

Therefore, we examine research questions in this study that explore the

relationship between media knowledge, media analysis skills, academic level, and

participation in a media literacy program. We ask:

RQ1: Are there differences in media knowledge and media analysis skills

associated with students’ academic level?

RQ2: Are differences in media knowledge and media analysis skills associated

with participation in a school-based media literacy program?

RQ3: What is the relationship between knowledge about media and critical

analysis of news and advertising?

Motivations for Digital Media Use

Many scholars have posited that electronic and digital media are one of the main

causes of the erosion of civic life. For example, Putnam (1995b) postulated that television

viewing privatizes our leisure time, that is, it displaces the time one spends on social

activities outside the home. He also argued that television might induce passivity, and it

may even change our perceptions of the world. Later, this argument has been extended to

the Internet, as some researchers have suggested that time spent online is associated with

declining social involvement and psychological well-being (Kraut et al., 2002; Kraut et

al., 1998; Nie, 2001).

This perspective has been criticized for not taking into account the complexity of

media uses and the motivations that underlie behaviors. Even if the amount of time

people spent watching television is significantly correlated with political and civic

participation, much of this research offers only partial insight into the effects of the media

(Shah, Cho, Eveland, & Kwak, 2005; Shah, McLeod, & Yoon, 2001). To be sure, Putnam

himself (2000) acknowledged this point. For instance, he later distinguished between

selective and habitual viewers on one hand, and preferences for different types of media

programs on the other (see also Hooghe, 2002; Norris, 1996). Still, others have more

systematically explored the relationship between patterns of media use and civic culture

variables. For example, research on media uses and gratifications (Blumler & Katz, 1974;

Katz, Blumler, & Gurevitch, 1973) illustrates how individuals use media such as

television or the Internet to satisfy different goals. Audience needs stem from a variety of

psychological or sociological origins. In turn, motivational differences generate specific

patterns of media exposure that bring along differential consequences.

From this perspective, a number of studies have simultaneously considered the

effects of a full range of media types (including print, broadcast, and the Internet) and

motivations as they affect civic engagement (Pasek, Kenski, Romer, & Jamieson, 2006;

Romer, Jamieson, & Pasek, 2009; Shah, Kwak, & Holbert, 2001; Shah et al., 2001; Shah,

Schmierbach, Hawkins, Espino, & Donavan, 2002). Among other things, these studies

reveal that influences of demographic variables such as education, income, age and race

are partly mediated by informational media use patterns. Interestingly, analyses within

age breaks reveal generational differences. For example, young people not only use the

Internet for information more than older people, but the Internet also is mostly associated

with higher levels of civic engagement among younger age groups (Shah et al., 2001).

Such work has clearly established the importance of distinguishing between Internet use

and information-gathering as a dimension of motivation when examining the behaviors

and attitudes of young people. For these reasons, we ask:

RQ4: What is the relationship between Internet use, information motivation, and

media literacy?

Civic Engagement and Digital Media

Civic engagement has been measured in a number of ways including civic

behaviors, attitudes towards elected officials, participation in political conversation,

media consumption and perceptions, intention to engage in civic action, and civic

knowledge (Flanagan, Syvertsen & Stout, 2007). These varying conceptualizations of

civic engagement are used to explore two sharply differing views of adolescent civic

engagement in relation to digital media as both optimistic and pessimistic perspectives

about the role of digital media in supporting young people’s capacity for self-governance

are now prevalent (Bennett, 2008).

One paradigm positions youth as engaged, expressive and empowered as a result

of their use of digital media and another views digital media as contributing to higher

levels of detachment from the public sphere. Proponents of the “engaged youth”

perspective see peer-to-peer sites for creative expression as an alternative form of civic

engagement and consider cell phones, digital cameras and laptops to be tools of civic

action that enable young people to take advantage of large-scale networks at critical

points in time. Those who hold to the “disengaged youth” position point to data that

shows that young people today are less likely than their counterparts in the 1970s to

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exhibit nine out of ten important characteristics of citizenship: belonging to at least one

group, attending religious services at least monthly, belonging to a union, reading

newspapers at least once a week, voting, being contacted by a political party, working on

a community project, attending club meetings, and believing that people are trustworthy

(Flanagan, Levine, & Settersten, 2009). The “withering away of civic education in

schools” coincides with a substantial decline in interest in news and public affairs,

reduced levels of social trust, lack of knowledge about government, limited political

participation, and a lack of efficacy in social institutions among young people ages 18 to

25 (Bennett, 2008, p. 7).

The Internet challenges traditional information gatekeepers and sources of

authority and shifts the conceptualization of community away from a strictly geographic-

based formulation and towards an interest-based orientation. As a result, Delli Carpini

(2000) suggests that online initiatives may expand the activities of youth already engaged

in civic life rather than encourage those who do participate to become involved. Similarly,

Bennett (2008) underlines this point with concern about naïve and over-optimistic claims

about the potential of the Internet to support civic engagement. He writes, “What young

people do online tends to be largely social and entertainment oriented with only

tangential pathways leading to the conventional civic and political worlds” (p. 10).

However, as Buckingham (2000) has pointed out, a profound generational shift is

occurring, as young people are able to show a developed awareness of social and political

issues, albeit not necessarily in the terms that adults might wish. For example, young

people are more likely to consider civic activities, including group membership,

volunteering, and participation in fundraising or charity events as a choice rather than as

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a responsibility, with significantly more Asian-American youth engaging in such

activities as compared with whites, African-Americans or Latinos (Marcelo, Lopez &

Kirby, 2007). No longer do young people necessarily feel a sense of obligation to follow

news and current events or join political parties that engage in one-way communication

to mobilize supporters.

Both paradigms on the role of media in youth civic engagement speak to the lived

experience of adolescents who are now growing up with social media and this is likely to

vary as a result of many factors. Indeed, for some youth, social media may be a powerful

distraction from becoming active in their communities; for others, using the Internet may

contribute to civic engagement. For these reasons, we wonder which aspects of young

people’s media use experiences most heavily contribute to practices of civic engagement.

Our final research question therefore is:

RQ5: What best predicts adolescent civic engagement: media analysis skills,

media knowledge, information-seeking motivations, Internet use, or exposure to a

media literacy educational program?

Method

Research Design

We had a unique opportunity to examine the way a school-based media literacy

education was implemented in a large urban high school with two existing media literacy

programs. One program was an open-enrollment program while the other was a selective-

admission program. We were also able to compare students enrolled in the two media

literacy programs to students who were not enrolled in a media literacy program. This

enabled us to use a quasi-experimental design with a 2x2 factorial structure. One factor

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was based on ability grouping (selective-admission vs open-admission); the other factor

was based on participation in a media literacy program. This created an opportunity to

examine media use behaviors and media analysis skills among students with different

levels of academic talent and with differential kinds of exposure to formal education in

media literacy.

Sample and Procedure

We were invited to collect survey data from Grade 11 students in a diverse large

urban high school in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States when the school first

implemented a new media literacy program for regular admission students in 2009. The

community itself, a nearby suburb of a larger metropolitan area, consists of 76,000

residents, including 46% whites, 28% African-Americans and 22% Hispanics. More than

40% of the families in this community speak a language other than English at home, as

compared with the US national average of 18%. This district is diverse in terms of socio-

economic levels and attracts children of business and government professionals,

knowledge workers, technical staff, and service workers. It has high levels of social

mobility, with 17% having arrived in the community within the past two years and

another 20% having arrived within 3 to 5 years. This community includes a significant

number of well-educated adults. More than 48% of adults in this community have a

Bachelors’ degree or higher, as compared with the U.S. national average of 24% (U.S.

Census, 2010).

Student educational achievement level in this sample is high, with 60% of

students enrolled in honors English, 38% in regular English and only 2% in English as a

second language. All students registered for Grade 11 in the Spring semester of 2007

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were eligible for the study, which was approved by the school district institutional

research board. Students ranged in age from 15 to 19 years old. To gather data for this

study, students completed a paper-and-pencil questionnaire measuring media knowledge,

media analysis skills, and civic engagement. In addition, students answered questions

relating to demographics, their academic program, and their use of the Internet. Of the

507 students who were given the questionnaire, 107 did not complete enough items to

provide usable data, resulting in a sample size of 400.

Media Literacy Programs

Like many American high schools, this urban public school tracks students using

ability grouping. When they enter high school in Grade 9, a small number of students

with good grades, strong teacher recommendations and high test scores may be admitted

to one of two selective-academic programs: one emphasizes science and math while the

other one emphasizes communications and media literacy. The selective-admission media

literacy program is an interdisciplinary program where students’ coursework in English,

social studies and media production are conceptually unified. Students complete a series

of inquiry-learning activities that integrate English, history and media production courses.

As seniors, students develop a portfolio of multimedia communications projects and give

a formal capstone presentation evaluated by outside reviewer to showcase their learning

over four years. They participate in two required electives including journalism and a

school broadcast journalism program. In effect, media literacy concepts are interwoven

into nearly every part of the students’ daily experience in English, history, government,

and the media courses over the entire school year. The selective-admission media literacy

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program is limited to about 75 students and has been a part of this high school’s culture

for more than 20 years.

For students without the good grades, test scores and recommendations needed to

enroll in the selective admission programs, there are open-admission tracks. Here

students must choose from among five “academy” programs including entrepreneurship,

human service, international studies, science-math-technology, or media literacy. Open-

admission students freely choose among the five programs after getting advice from

middle-school guidance counselors and parents. The academy structure effectively

creates a school-within-a-school experience and is designed to promote meaningful

relationships between faculty and students that support deeper levels of student

engagement and learning. Students who enroll in the open-admission media literacy

program take remedial, regular or Honors-level courses in English, history, science and

math. Over the course of the four-year program, they are required to take two semester-

long courses in media literacy (“Media Literacy” and “Mass Media and American

Society”) and may also choose from media production electives, including newspaper,

yearbook, or digital media production.

Informal interviews with faculty members revealed that all faculty members were

familiar with the core concepts of media literacy as articulated by the National

Association for Media Literacy Education (2012). However, we were unable to determine

whether the faculty explicitly taught these concepts or whether students were expected to

"deduce" them from their daily activities. Although we did not conduct systematic

observational research of classroom practice, we made classroom observations where we

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saw evidence of reference to media literacy concepts in both the selective-admission

program and the open-admission media literacy program.

Measurement Instruments

Intention towards civic engagement. Following previous work on civic

engagement (Schulz & Sibberns, 2004), we assessed students’ intent to engage in nine

types of political and civic activities. Students were asked to report if they expect to

engage in the following activities when they become an adult: vote in national elections,

get information about candidates before voting in an election, join a political party, write

letters to a newspaper about social or political concerns, be a candidate for a local or city

office, volunteer time to help poor or elderly people in the community, collect money for

a cause, collect signatures for a petition, and participate in a peaceful rally or protest. A

4-point scale was used, scaled as certainly will not do, probably will not do, probably will

do, and certainly will do. Responses were combined to form an index (M = 2.66, SD

= .52, Cronbach α = .79).

Media literacy analysis skills. We used two media literacy performance tasks

that engaged students in the practice of critically analyzing both a one-page

newsmagazine story and a full-age print ad. Items were based on a previously-developed

and validated instrument (Hobbs, 2004, 2007; Hobbs & Frost, 2003; Quin & McMahon,

1995). Table 1 provides a visual depiction of the approach to measuring news and

advertising analysis skills. A mixture of two times five open-ended and checklist

activities were used to measure respondents’ ability to analyze news and advertising, with

slight differences in questions reflecting the different characteristics of the genres of news

and advertising. Students were given a specific media text and asked to identify the

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purpose of the message, describe the target audience and use specific information from

the text to justify their reasoning, demonstrate awareness of specific media construction

techniques, identify multiple points of view, offer a plausible subtextual interpretation not

stated directly in the text, and identify omitted information.

To code open-ended data, researchers created a coding protocol by first

identifying the range of possible written responses to each item and identifying better and

less impressive answers. Then a coding protocol was created, a detailed written guide to

assist scorers in identifying how to allocate points for student responses. After a training

process supervised by the second author, two graduate students read all student responses

and conducted the scoring. For nine out of ten items requiring the scoring of open-ended

responses, interrater reliability using Krippendorff’s alpha ranged from .72 to .98

revealing moderate to high levels of reliability. For one item, Krippendorff’s alpha

was .67, which is still considered acceptable.

- - - -

Place Table 1 about here

- - - -

In the news analysis task, students were given a short Time magazine piece (Van

Biema, 2007) and asked to read it, responding to five open-ended questions including:

identify the target audience for this story and explain what specific information from the

reading supports your answer and identify the message purpose. Students were also asked

to identify what techniques were used to attract and hold attention and asked to list some

different point of views that were presented, and what information was left out of this

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message. Scores were summed to form an additive index ranging from 14 to 0 (M = 5.92,

SD = 3.51).

In the advertisement analysis task, students were given a black-and-white

reproduction of a Kool cigarette ad and asked to respond to five open-ended questions to

identify the purpose of the message and the target audience. They were asked to offer a

description of visual information that supports the answers. Students were asked to list

various techniques that are used to attract viewer attention, identify the implied message

or subtext, and suggest specific information or ideas that were left out of this ad. Scores

were summed to form an additive index ranging from 14 to 0 (M = 8.92, SD = 3.57).

Media knowledge. We measured students’ broad knowledge about the mass

media by asking students to complete short tests measure students’ understanding of the

history, economics, institutions, audiences and effects of mass media. In the first test,

students were asked to choose the right answer for six multiple-choice questions,

consisting of a right answer and three distractor items. These items were based on

information presented in an introductory media textbook (Rodman, 2007). For example,

students were asked to identify the main purpose of photos in a newspaper, recognize the

most common kind of economic control over mass media, and name the system of

financing used to pay for commercial radio. The second test consisted of eleven items,

asking students to identify as true or false such statements as, “The number of companies

that own mass media outlets is growing,” “Newspapers make most of their money

through the price paid by the consumers who buy them,” and “The format and style of

USA Today was imitated by many daily news papers across the country.” Responses of

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both tests were combined to form one overall media knowledge index (M = .61, SD

= .20).

Internet use and information-use motives. To distinguish between students’

actual use of the Internet and their motives for using the Internet to seek information, we

first asked respondents to identify how often they use the Internet on an 8-point scale

ranging from never to every day (M = 1.55, SD = 1.32). To assess students’ motives to

seek out information as a part of daily life, we used an instrument developed to assess

Internet uses and gratifications by Papacharissi & Rubin (2000). Using a five-point scale,

students were asked to respond to four statements: I use the internet to search for

information, to see what is out there, to keep up with current events and issues, because it

provides me with a new and interesting way to do research (M = 3.83, SD = .79,

Cronbach α = .72). Other measures of adolescent Internet motivation, including habit,

social use, diversion, and entertainment were gathered but not used in the present analysis.

Demographic and control variables. Gender, academic level and participation in

the media literacy program served as control variables, which enabled us to more

carefully examine the relationships between the variables of interest in our study.

Because some students were admitted to special programs on the basis of test scores,

middle-school grades and teacher recommendations, students who participated in a

selective admission academic program (n = 146) were conceptualized as distinct from

those who entered the regular enrollment program (n = 246). We also distinguished

between students who participated in a media literacy program since some students in

both the selective admission program (n = 59) and the regular enrollment program (n =

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55) followed a media literacy program (ML program) during the past year. Because of a

small number of missing data, we were not able to categorize all 400 respondents.

To examine the relationship between variables specified in our research questions,

we first compared means, then used Pearson product-moment correlations, followed by

multiple linear regression, building a model to determine how media literacy analysis

skills, media knowledge, information-seeking motives, Internet use, participation in a

media literacy program, and academic level may predict intention towards civic

engagement.

Results

RQ1 and RQ2 asked whether differences in media knowledge and media analysis

skills are associated with students’ ability grouping academic level (selective or open

admission) and their participation in a media literacy program. Overall, group means

clearly show that high ability-grouped students in the selective admission academic

program score better than open-admission students on our measurements of media

knowledge (M = .73, SD = .15 vs M = .55, SD = .19 with t(391) = -9.47, p < .001), news

analysis skills (M = 8.11, SD = 2.99 vs M = 4.63, SD = 3.15 with t(391) = -10.78, p

< .001) and advertising analysis skills (M = 10.03, SD = 3.28 vs M = 8.23, SD = 3.57 with

t(391) = -4.99, p < .001). Likewise, if we compare pupils who did participate in a media

literacy program with those who did not, the former have significantly higher levels than

the latter on media knowledge (M = .69, SD = .19 vs M = .59, SD = .19 with t(390) = -

4.69, p < .001), news analysis skills (M = 6.65, SD = 3.74 vs M = 5.65, SD = 3.37 with

t(390) = -2.59, p < .05) and advertising analysis skills (M = 9.79, SD = 3.83 vs M = 8.55,

SD = 3.40 with t(390) = -3.17, p < .01).

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Table 2 provides a more detailed break-down of the means and standard

deviations for media knowledge, news analysis and ad analysis for both regular and

special admission students in media literacy and other programs. As can be seen, open-

admission students not enrolled in the media literacy program had the lowest levels of

media knowledge (M = .53, SD = .17) while students in the selective admission media

literacy program had the highest levels (M = .75, SD = .13). Advertising analysis skills

show a similar trend, revealing that open-admission students not enrolled in the media

literacy academic had the lowest levels of advertising analysis skills (M = 8.20, SD =

3.45) while students in the selective admission media literacy program had the highest

levels (M = 11.10, SD = 3.16). However, students in the media literacy open-admission

program show slightly lower scores in news analysis (M = 4.27, SD = 4.02) as compared

with students in other open-admission programs (M = 4.80, SD = 3.09).

- - - -

Place Table 2 about here

- - - -

In other words, differences in students’ media knowledge and media analysis

skills are strongly associated with students’ academic level. Academically talented

students perform considerably better at both news analysis and advertising analysis and

have more knowledge about the media. Moreover, differences in media knowledge and

media analysis skills are associated with participation in a school-based media literacy

program. This finding is qualified, however, because we found that although open-

admission students in a media literacy program had higher levels of media knowledge

and advertising analysis skills than students not enrolled in a media literacy program,

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they had somewhat lower scores on news analysis than those enrolled in other academy

programs. It’s possible that selection bias is at work here. Perhaps students in the open-

admission program choose media literacy courses (rather than other academic programs)

because they learn best through hands-on types of activities. In line with this, it is

possible that students enrolled in the media literacy academy sample were more likely to

struggle with reading comprehension, which remains an indispensable skill for the critical

analysis of news.

Table 3 shows the correlation matrix for all the variables in the study, reiterating

that academically well-prepared students in the special admission programs have

considerably more knowledge than regular students (r = .43, p < .01) and score relatively

higher on news analysis (r = .48, p < .01), which demands more reading comprehension

skills than the ad analysis test (r = .24, p < .01). At the same time, students who

participated in a media literacy program scored higher on media knowledge tests (r = .23,

p < .01), news analysis (r = .13, p < .05) and advertising analysis (r = .16, p < .05) as

compared with those who did not participate in the program.

In response to RQ3, we report statistically significant support for the relationship

between knowledge about media and critical analysis of news and advertising. All three

variables are associated with each other, although media knowledge seems to be

empirically and conceptually distinct from media analysis skills. While news analysis and

advertising analysis skills display a robust relationship (r = .50, p < .01), the correlations

between media knowledge and news analysis (r = .30, p < .01) and advertisement

analysis (r = .25, p < .01) are only moderate.

- - - -

22!

Place Table 3 about here

- - - -

In RQ4, we examined the relationship between Internet use, information

motivation, and media literacy. The sheer quantity of time that students spend using the

Internet is negatively associated with both information-seeking motives (r = -.34, p < .01)

and news analysis skills (r = -.23, p < .01). However, while information-use motive is

modestly associated with news analysis (r = .13, p < .01), frequency of Internet use and

information motive are not related with advertising analysis skills.

In RQ5, we wanted to discover what variables best predict adolescents’ intent

towards civic engagement: media analysis skills, media knowledge, information-seeking

motivations, Internet use, or exposure to a media literacy educational program. To get a

more detailed view of how these variables together help to explain civic engagement, we

performed a multiple regression analysis using civic engagement as our outcome variable.

Missing values were deleted listwise. This reduced our sample size from 400 to 372

respondents. This analysis provides a quite stringent test of the explanatory potential of

news analysis, advertising analysis, and media knowledge, after considering the

contribution of participation in a media literacy program and our demographic variables.

- - - -

Place Table 4 about here

- - - -

We tested two models to explore the relationships between variables. In Model 1,

gender (female) (

= .23, p < .001) and participation in a media literacy program (

= .11, p < .05) are positively associated with intention towards civic engagement. In

23!

Model 2, we included the variables frequency of Internet use, information motives, media

knowledge, news analysis, and ad analysis. In line with our theoretical framework,

adding these variables contributes a sizable 9% to our explained variance. We

immediately note that the effect of participation in a media literacy program disappears

when adding these variables to the regression, suggesting that the impact of the program

is mediated through these facets of media use. The amount of time one spends online is

not significantly related to participation in civic life. By contrast, information-seeking

motive (

= .18, p < .001) makes a strong contribution.

When controlling for both time and motives, media literacy analysis skills are

associated with civic engagement. The ability to analyze and evaluate a news article (

= .20, p < .01) has an additional (and sizable) positive impact on civic engagement

intention. To a lesser degree, knowledge about media (

= .16, p < .01) also contributes

to intent to actively participate in civic life. However, the media literacy competencies

involved in analyzing an advertisement do not contribute to adolescents’ intention

towards civic engagement.

Discussion

Many scholars claim that much of the most exciting work in digital and media

literacy education is now occurring in afterschool, community-based, or summer

programs, supported by foundations, where projects “too controversial for schools” can

be examined as laboratories for future innovation (Levine, 2008, p. 127). For example,

since 2006, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation invested $85 million in

support of digital media and learning, including large-scale ethnographic research on how

youth participate in digital media outside of school.

24!

Considerably less attention has been focused on chronicling the changes now

underway in some of the more than 15,000 American public school districts; in programs

like the one we report on in this study, digital and media literacy initiatives are being

developed not by academics and consultants and philanthropic initiatives, but by school

administrators and K-12 faculty themselves, supporting by existing funding public school

mechanisms. In these schools, educators are finding innovative ways to bring digital and

media literacy education into the classroom in the context of regular instruction in

English, history, health and the fine and performing arts. Without external funding,

digital and media literacy programs are part of the mainstream of American public

education. These types of school-based initiatives offer fertile ground to empirically and

naturalistically explore the complex relationship between media literacy education and its

contribution to adolescent development and academic achievement.

By finding a statistically significant association between media literacy and civic

engagement among a large and diverse sample of American high school students enrolled

in a single public high school, we can say with some confidence that media literacy

programs have potential to support the development of news analysis skills, build

background knowledge of media institutions, audiences, messages and effects, and thus

contribute in an important way to the development of meaningful civic engagement

among adolescents. The ability to analyze and evaluate media messages either online or

offline is likely to stem from being able to ask and answer critical questions about the

purpose, target audience and subtext of messages. Such work is aided, of course, by a

comprehensive understanding of the major components of the mass media: their business

models as well as their content, genres and story formulas. These are, simply put,

25!

fundamental knowledge and skills that are an essential part of contemporary education

today.

As demonstrated by other scholars, we found that time measurements of

adolescents’ Internet usage give at best a partial insight into the complex behaviors at

work in the development of citizenship skills. The intent to engage in civic participation

seems to be most strongly associated with both the motivational drive to seek out

information and the ability to understand and analyze news media. This does not imply

that we completely disagree with Putnam’s argument that electronic entertainment might

be partly responsible for the erosion of civic life. We found that time spent online is

negatively associated with civic participation. And indeed, several underlying

mechanisms seem plausible here. First, one should not forget that most young digital

audiences use the web for chatting and exchanging instant messages with friends, for

social networking, for playing video games, or for entertainment sites. In this way, digital

media are cultural forms that are inextricably connected with more traditional print and

audiovisual mass media (Buckingham, 2007a, 2007b, 2007c). True, as argued by scholars

like Henry Jenkins (2006), these activities might be sometimes civic in nature. Still, it is

likely that, for adolescents, some Internet activities compete with more traditional social

and civic activities outside the home. Even if informational uses of the Internet have a

positive impact, the consequences of recreational use might sometimes be less desirable.

As with television, radio or print media, some websites are bound to cultivate more or

less civic-minded patterns among users. Based on the evidence from this study, we argue

that, to promote civic engagement especially among less academically well-prepared

students, it is important to support students’ intellectual curiosity and their ability to

26!

critically analyze and evaluate media messages through school-based media literacy

education.

Our data indicate that media literacy competencies like analyzing news and

advertising are not uniformly distributed among adolescents. Media literacy education

programs per se are not a magic bullet solution that will automatically eliminate the

substantial gap between academically-talented young people and their less-privileged

counterparts. By discovering that media literacy students in the open-admission program,

on average, perform worse in analyzing print news media as compared with students

enrolled in other open-admission academies, we appreciate that unmeasured differences

in reading comprehension and print literacy skills probably play a significant role in the

development of adolescents’ critical analysis skills. In fact, reading comprehension and

writing skills are of fundamental importance in a digital age. In developing educational

programs that support adolescent civic engagement, it will be important to ensure that

digital and media literacy programs provide rich and sustained learning opportunities for

engagement in reading comprehension, textual analysis, close reading and writing

composition activities.

Conclusion

In many ways, we had a near-ideal naturalistic setting to examine the relationship

between ability grouping, civic engagement, and media literacy education programs.

While we must be cautious of generalizing beyond our Mid-Atlantic urban high school

population, the large sample consisted of a heterogeneous, racially diverse group of

students where we could examine students with varying levels of academic achievement

and exposure to two types of media literacy educational programs. We found important

27!

differences in media knowledge, news analysis, and advertising analysis skills among

students with differential levels of academic performance. Not surprisingly, smart,

academically gifted teens tend to be more media literate than their less academically-

talented peers. Yet, despite these important differences, even when controlling for both

time spent with the Internet and information-seeking motives, news analysis skills make

an important contribution to advance adolescent civic engagement.

Nonetheless, our research design had some limitations. First, because we used a

naturalistic quasi-experimental design it was not possible to randomly assign students to

treatment condition. The data show that, after controlling for participation in a media

literacy program, information motives, media knowledge and news analysis

independently contribute to civic engagement. However, the underlying mechanisms are

difficult to assess, limiting our ability to make strong claims about causality. For example,

it is possible that participation in a media literacy program is influenced by a pre-

disposition toward information-seeking, thus leading to selection bias. We also recognize

the limitations of our existing measures and the need for additional measures. We did not

measure the actual levels of civic engagement of adolescents; instead, items assessed

students’ intent to participate in the future. Also, we did not measure those forms of

social action that make use of digital or social media. We deliberately approached media

literacy as the ability to critically analyze news and advertising instead of considering

other forms of media literacy education, including creative media production

competencies. We agree with other researchers on this issue who note: “How the

different forms of literacy interact and support each other is a key question for future

28!

research, given today’s complex and convergent media and information environment”

(Livingstone & Helsper, 2010, p. 324).

Readers may wonder what specific aspects of curriculum and instruction in media

literacy are associated with civic engagement. The media literacy programs we studied

were broad, year-long intensive learning experiences with multiple faculty participating

and where students engaged in a wide range of activities, including library research,

viewing and discussion, writing, multimedia production, public speaking, and

collaborative learning. Therefore, we could not deduce what precise elements of the

educational program itself may have contributed to or interfered with the development of

media knowledge, news analysis, advertising analysis or civic engagement. Carefully

conducted case studies and experimental designs are needed to further tease out which

types of instructional activity best support the development of civic engagement.

In the United States, media literacy education has entered the K-12 world through

many portals, including English language arts, social studies, fine arts, library-skills and

educational technology, vocational education, and health education (Hobbs, 1998, 2004;

Kubey, 2003, 2004). At the same time, support for digital and media literacy education is

growing in after-school community-based programs (Levine, 2008). That said, a large

variety of approaches to media literacy education exists. For instance, some American

media educators tend to focus on public health issues such as alcohol and tobacco use.

That is, they try to make pupils aware of marketers’ strategies, such as using image-based

and affect-laden appeals (Austin, Pinkleton, & Funabiki, 2007; Pinkleton, Austin, Cohen,

Miller, & Fitzgerald, 2007; Primack, Sidani, Carroll, & Fine, 2009). Evidence from our

study suggests that, however valuable the ability to analyze and evaluate an

29!

advertisement, it does not automatically translate into civic engagement or social action.

Such programs may be designed with civic goals in place, of course. Educators may want

to develop stand-alone programs (instead of integrating media literacy education into

existing educational programs) in order to promote specific types of learning outcomes,

including full and active participation in the life of communities, the nation and the world.

Such programs would have, at their center, activities of the sort described by Rheingold

(2008), such as the use of student-composed blogging as a form of connected writing, the

practice of developing skills of argument by responding to news media messages, and

contributing to public discourse through collective action, including meetings, petitions,

boycotts, and letters to the editor.

To summarize, we measured adolescents’ knowledge about mass media and their

ability to critically analyze news and advertising in order to better understand the

complex relationship between ability grouping, Internet use, information-use motives,

and civic engagement among young people in a large urban public high school. Our

findings support the growing demand for policy makers, educators, and community

advocates to embrace media literacy as an important resource to fulfill the promise of

digital citizenship.

30!

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Table 1 Measuring media literacy through news and advertising analysis tasks

News Analysis Task

Text: Print Time Magazine article

Advertising Analysis Task

Text: Print KOOL cigarette ad

Concept

Item

Concept

Item

Understanding

Message Purpose

What is the purpose of this

message? Check all that

apply: inform, entertain,

persuade, self-expression,

make money

Understanding

Message Purpose

What is the purpose of this

message? Check all that

apply: inform, entertain,

persuade, self-expression,

make money

Understanding

Target Audience

Who is the target audience?

Check all that apply: Gender

(men, women); Age

(children, teens, adults,

seniors); Ethnicity (white,

black, Hispanic, Asian,

other); Social Class (poor,

working class, middle class,

wealthy)

What specific information

from the text supports your

answer?

Understanding

Target Audience

Who is the target audience?

What specific information

from the text supports your

answer?

Awareness of

Message

Constructedness

What techniques were used

to attract and hold your

attention?

Awareness of

Message

Constructedness

What techniques were used

to attract and hold your

attention?

Multiple Points of

View

What different points of

view were presented?

Recognition of

Subtext

What is the implied message

or subtext?

Recognizing

Omission

What information was left

out of this message?

Recognizing

Omission

What information was left

out of this message?

40!

Table 2 Comparing means

Open Admission Program

Selective Admission Program

Other program

ML program

Other program

ML program

Mean (SD)

Media

knowledge

.53 (.17)

.62 (.22)

.71 (.17)

.75 (.13)

News analysis

4.80 (3.09)

4.27 (3.32)

7.60 (3.16)

8.86 (2.58)

Ad analysis

8.20 (3.45)

8.38 (4.02)

9.31 (3.18)

11.10 (3.16)

n = 191

n = 55

n = 87

n = 59

! !

41!

Table 3 Correlation Matrix

Civic engagement

Gender (female)

.25**

Academy level

.11*

-.02

ML program

.19**

.24**

.19**

Internet use

-.17**

-.02

-.28**

-.03

Information motive

.23**

.04

.17**

.03

-.34**

Media knowledge

.19**

-.05

.43**

.23**

-.17**

.08

News analysis

.27**

.20**

.48**

.13*

-.23**

.13**

.30**

Ad analysis

.16**

.20**

.24**

.16*

-.08

.08

.25**

.50**

Note: all tests are two-tailed. *p < .05, **p <.01.

42!

Table 4 Predictors of civic engagement

Model 1

Model 2

Intercept

2.23

.09

1.51

.19

Gender (Female)

.24

.05

.23***

.20

.05

.20***

Academy level

.09

.05

.08

-.11

.06

-.10

ML program

.13

.06

.11*

.09

.06

.08

Internet use

-.02

.02

-.04

Information motive

.12

.03

.18***

Media knowledge

.44

.15

.16**

News analysis

.03

.01

.20**

Ad analysis

-.01

.01

-.04

Total R² = .17. For model 2, ∆R² = .09. *p < .05, **p <.01, ***p <.001.