the notion that contemporary top corporate marginal income tax rates in the US are below the
revenue-maximizing rate.
To evaluate distributional impacts, we estimate the short-run incidence of corporate tax cuts
on several factor groups — firm owners, executives, and high- and low-paid workers — as the
share of total output gains accruing to each factor. Combining our reduced form elasticities
with moments from the tax data, we find that approximately 56% of gains flow to firm owners,
12% flow to executives, 32% flow to high-paid workers, and 0% flow to low-paid workers. We
then go beyond factor incidence to estimate effects across the income distribution, accounting for
the empirical fact that many workers are also firm owners (that is, they hold equity portfolios)
and many firm owners also work. Using data on the distribution of capital ownership, we find
that approximately 78% of the gains from tax cuts accrue to the top 10% of earners, and 22% of
gains flow to the bottom 90%. Leveraging the empirically observable geographic distribution of
workers and income, we further find that these benefits are disproportionately concentrated in the
Northeastern and Western regions of the United States, and particularly among workers in large
and high-income cities.
This paper builds on a large body of research that studies the effects of corporate taxes on
profits, investment, shareholder payouts, employment, wages, and executive compensation.
2
Early seminal studies use aggregate or firm-level panel data and estimate two-way fixed effect
models to study policy variation across countries or industries (Hall and Jorgenson 1967;
Cummins, Hassett, and Hubbard 1994; Cummins, Hassett, and Hubbard 1996; Goolsbee 1998;
Hassett and Hubbard 2002). More recent contributions use detailed administrative microdata and
modern econometric methods to exploit geographic policy variation (Link, Menkhoff, Peichl, and
Schüle 2022; Duan and Moon 2022; Garrett, Ohrn, and Suárez Serrato 2020; Giroud and Rauh
2019; Fuest, Peichl, and Siegloch 2018; Suárez Serrato and Zidar 2016; Becker, Jacob, and Jacob
2013), industry-level variation in exposure to tax deductions or credits (Curtis, Garrett, Ohrn,
Roberts, and Serrato 2021; Ohrn 2022; Dobridge, Landefeld, and Mortenson 2021; Ohrn 2018;
Zwick and Mahon 2017; House and Shapiro 2008), and firm-level policy variation induced by
plausibly arbitrary legal or circumstancial distinctions (e.g., Boissel and Matray 2022; Moon 2022;
Carbonnier, Malgouyres, Py, and Urvoy 2022; Bachas and Soto 2021; Risch 2021; Alstadsæter,
Jacob, and Michaely 2017; Patel, Seegert, and Smith 2017; Yagan 2015; Devereux, Liu, and Loretz
2014).
Despite major advances in recent research, there are natural reasons to question whether
existing evidence is generalizable to understanding the effects of corporate tax cuts in the context
of TCJA. Evidence from subnational governments, small developing countries, or small firms may
2
Other outcomes studied in the literature include: establishment counts (e.g., Suárez Serrato and Zidar 2016; Giroud
and Rauh 2019); consumer prices (Baker, Sun, and Yannelis 2020); innovation and the mobility of inventors (Akcigit,
Grigsby, Nicholas, and Stantcheva 2021); international tax competition (Devereux, Lockwood, and Redoano 2008); the
location and investment decisions of multinational firms (Becker, Fuest, and Riedel 2012; Devereux and Griffith 2003);
tax avoidance and profit shifting (Garcia-Bernardo, Jansk
`
y, and Zucman 2022; Desai and Dharmapala 2009; Auerbach
and Slemrod 1997; Slemrod 1995; Hines and Rice 1994); and macroeconomic performance (Cloyne, Martinez, Mumtaz,
and Surico 2022; Zidar 2019; Romer and Romer 2010, Lee and Gordon 2005). These outcomes are beyond the scope of
this paper.
3