India's Booming Gig and Platform Economy

Perspectives and Recommendations on

the Future of Work

India’s Booming Gig and

Platform Economy

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

India’s Booming Gig and

Platform Economy

Perspectives and Recommendations on

the Future of Work

June 2022

NITI AAYOG & EXPERT RESEARCH TEAMS

Skill Development & Employment (SDE) Vertical Team, NITI Aayog

Dr. K. Rajeswara Rao Special Secretary

Sh. Kundan Kumar Adviser

Sh. Rajesh Gupta Director

Dr. Sakshi Khurana Consultant

Sh. Kailash Nath Verma Research Ofﬁcer

Sh. Satish Chandra Economic Ofﬁcer

Ms. Rashmi Ranjana Singh Young Professional

Ms. Oshin Dharap Young Professional

Expert Research Team

Dr. Sakshi Khurana Consultant, Skill Development, &

Employment, NITI Aayog

sakshi.khurana@gov.in

Dr. S.K. Sasikumar Former Senior Fellow, V. V. Giri National

Labour Institute

[email protected]om

Dr. Vinoj Abraham Professor, Centre for Development Studies,

Thiruvananthapuram

[email protected]om

Dr. Balakrushna Padhi Assistant Professor, BITS-Pilani, Rajasthan padhicds@gmail.com

Communications Team, NITI Aayog

Ms. Indrani Dasgupta Consultant (Editor)

Ms. Saloni Sachdeva Young Professional

Suggested Citation

NITI Aayog. (2022). India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations

on the Future of Work. June, 2022.

Report and Cover Design by YAAP

Every care has been taken to provide the correct and up to date information along with references

thereof. However, NITI Aayog shall not be liable for any loss or damage whatsoever, including incidental

or consequential loss or damage, arising out of, or in connection with any use of or reliance on the

information in this document. In case of any doubt or query, readers are requested to refer to the

reference section and footnotes. Readers of this document should be aware that the document may

be subject to revisions. Any suggestion/input may please be sent to sakshi.khurana@gov.in

The pace of digitalisation has grown rapidly around the world, transforming societies and

ushering in a new economic revolution with significant implications for the future of work

and employment. India’s twin advantages of having a favourable demographic structure and

the rapid proliferation of digital technologies position it to be at the forefront of this economic

revolution.

The gig-platform economy is at the core of this unfolding paradigm shift. ILO’s 2021 World

Employment and Social Outlook Report states that the number of digital labour platforms

have grown fivefold over the last decade. Digital platforms offer innovative solutions in different

sectors such as transport, retail, personal and home care. They provide promising income

opportunities to workers with different skill sets and wider market access to businesses. The

gig economy has demonstrated resilience even during the pandemic, with platform workers

playing an indispensable role in urban India.

In this backdrop, this report offers a scientific methodological approach to estimate the job

creation potential of the gig-platform economy as well as provides wide-ranging perspectives

and recommendations on the gig-platform economy in India.

I commend Dr. K. Rajeswara Rao, Special Secretary, NITI Aayog, for conceiving and taking forward

this initiative and successfully bringing it to completion. My congratulations to Sh. Kundan

Kumar, Adviser, NITI Aayog and Sh. Rajesh Gupta, Director, NITI Aayog, for ensuring necessary

coordination and time-bound action for the study report. Special appreciation to the research

team comprising Dr. Sakshi Khurana, from NITI Aayog, Dr. S.K. Sasikumar, former Senior Fellow

at V.V. Giri National Labour Institute, Dr. Vinoj Abraham, Centre for Development Studies,

Dr.Balakrushna Padhi, BITS-Pilani, and contributors Ms Aishwarya Raman, Ms Chhavi Banswal

and Ms Sreelakshmi Ramachandran.

I hope that the report will become a valuable resource in overcoming the knowledge and data

barriers in our understanding of the gig-platform economy and drive further research and

analysis on this sector.

I extend my best wishes and support to all the Ministries, State governments, training

providers, platforms and others who can work in coordination and forge collaborations for the

implementation of report’s commendations to bring about growth and job creation in the gig

and platform sector.

Suman Bery

Vice Chairperson, NITI Aayog

MESSAGE FROM

VICE CHAIRMAN

Message from Vice Chairman

| v

The accelerated adoption of novel digital technologies has brought about a paradigm shift in

business processes and service provisions. New technologies associated with Industry 4.0 and

the gig economy are already reshaping the world of work and are expected to open up a whole

range of new opportunities in the future. Digital platforms in India have thrived as a result of the

increasing use of smartphones, the low cost of internet and other initiatives under the Digital

India campaign. Different platforms that comprise the gig economy offer innovative solutions

in different sectors such as transport, retail, personal and home care.

This changing scenario calls for the need to assess the employment generation potential of the

gig and platform sector and design policy measures that can invigorate efforts from different

stakeholders to promote growth along with decent work opportunities in this sector.

This report, a remarkable initiative of NITI Aayog, has come at a critical time. This report prepared

by a research group of experts in the sector, steered by NITI Aayog, presents estimates on the

size of the gig-platform workforce and its employment potential and delineates strategies for

job creation, skill development and social security in the sector to come-up with a set of forward-

looking recommendations for different stakeholders.

I congratulate Dr. K. Rajeswara Rao, Special Secretary, NITI Aayog, for steering this initiative

and Mr. Kundan Kumar, Adviser, NITI Aayog and Mr. Rajesh Gupta, Director, NITI Aayog for

the necessary coordination. I appreciate the excellent work and contribution of the research

team comprising Dr. Sakshi Khurana from NITI Aayog, Dr. S.K. Sasikumar, former Senior Fellow

at V.V. Giri National Labour Institute, Dr. Vinoj Abraham, Centre for Development Studies,

Dr.Balakrushna Padhi, BITS-Pilani, and contributors Ms Aishwarya Raman, Ms Chhavi Banswal

and Ms Sreelakshmi Ramachandran.

I request the concerned Ministries, State Governments, skill training providers and platforms to

review this report and build upon its recommendations to promote employment opportunities,

skill training and social security initiatives for workers in this sector. Only with coherent, consistent

and coordinated efforts can we all truly leverage the potential that the gig and platform sector

offers for growth and employment opportunities.

Amitabh Kant

CEO, NITI Aayog

MESSAGE FROM

CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER

Message from Chief Executive Ofﬁcer

| vii

The gig and platform economy is a relatively new and emerging sector with immense potential

for growth and employment generation. The Economic Survey 2020-21 has noted that India has

already emerged as one of the world’s largest countries for flexi-staffing (i.e., gig and platform

work), and that this form of work will likely continue to grow with the increase in e-commerce

platforms.

This study ‘India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations

on Future of Work’ has been undertaken with the objective to understand the significance of

this sector to the economy, to employment generation and suggest measures to encourage

employment in the sector, along with initiatives for social security.

Several rounds of discussion were held and this report is the culmination of efforts of the

research team comprising Dr. Sakshi Khurana from NITI Aayog, Dr. S.K. Sasikumar, former Senior

Fellow at V.V. Giri National Labour Institute, Dr. Vinoj Abraham, Centre for Development Studies,

Dr.Balakrushna Padhi, BITS-Pilani, and contributors Ms Aishwarya Raman, Ms Chhavi Banswal

and Ms Sreelakshmi Ramachandran.

The study highlights the significance of this sector through estimating the size of the workforce

and future requirements based on demand for different skill levels of workers. The study

highlights the employment generation potential of the gig and platform economy as jobs in

this sector have low-entry barriers and cater to the needs and aspirations of workers with varying

degrees of skill sets, including women, youth and Persons with Disabilities (PwDs).

The study documents and analyses best practices and initiatives for social security undertaken

by different platforms and different countries. On the basis of the estimates undertaken and

a review of literature and best practices, recommendations are made for future estimates of

workforce in the sector, policies for promoting business and employment generation in the

sector, enhancing the inclusiveness of jobs in the sector, particularly for women and PwDs,

preparing the workforce for employment in the sector through platform-led skill development

and recommendations for social security initiatives that can be introduced by platforms for

workers.

I hope that this report will serve as a crucial resource for Ministries, State Governments, Training

Providers, Platforms and other stakeholders to work in collaboration for promoting growth and

employment opportunities in this sector.

Dr K. Rajeswara Rao

Special Secretary, NITI Aayog

MESSAGE FROM

SPECIAL SECRETARY

Message from Special Secretary

| ix

The advent of technology has transformed the world of work with new and flexible types of jobs,

business models and working arrangements. The gig and platform economy is at the heart of

this transformation, having disrupted a range of sectors from ride-hailing transport services to

professional beauty and home services. Given the rapid growth and growing significance of the

platform economy, it becomes imperative to undertake a systematic quantitative assessment

of the current size and job generation potential and suggest policy measures for boosting

employment opportunities in this sector.

The key objectives of this study areestimating the size of the workforce engagedin the gig and

platform economy, highlighting both the opportunities and the challenges of this emerging

sector, presentingglobal best practices on initiatives for social security and outlining strategies

for skill development and job creation for differentcategoriesof workers in the sector through

a set of comprehensive recommendations.

Several rounds of discussion were held with the research team comprising Dr. Sakshi Khurana

from NITI Aayog, Dr. S.K. Sasikumar, former Senior Fellow at V.V. Giri National Labour Institute,

Dr. Vinoj Abraham, Centre for Development Studies, Dr. Balakrushna Padhi, BITS-Pilani, and

contributors Ms. Aishwarya Raman, Ms. Chhavi Banswal and Ms. Sreelakshmi Ramachandran.

The research study has been an outcome of these very enriching discussions and efforts

undertaken by the research group towards estimations in the sector, systematic review of

literature for presenting best practices and global insights and recommendations for enhancing

employment and social security in the sector.

I am confident that this report will serve as a crucial resource for Ministries, State Governments,

Skill Training Providers, Platform companies and other stakeholders towards concerted efforts

for promoting growth and employment opportunities in this sector.

Kundan Kumar

Adviser, NITI Aayog

MESSAGE FROM

ADVISER

Message from Adviser

| xi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Message from Vice Chairman v

Message from Chief Executive Officer vii

Message from Special Secretary ix

Message from Adviser xi

Executive Summary xvi

Chapter 1: Introduction 2

1.1. Purpose of the Study 5

1.2. Overview of the Study 6

Chapter 2: The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections 10

2.1. Sizing up the Gig Economy: Current Approaches and Estimates 10

2.2 Estimating the Gig Work force: Methodology 12

2.3. Employment, GDP, and Employment Growth in India 18

2.4. Estimate of Gig Workers 19

2.5. Projections for Gig Work in India 24

2.6. Summary on Gig Worker Size Estimation 25

2.7. Recommendations for Estimation 26

Chapter 3: Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs 28

3.1. Contours of the Platform Economy 29

3.2. Livelihood Creation through Platform Work 29

3.3. Evolution of Platform Jobs 31

3.4. Challenges for Workers in the Gig & Platform Sector 34

3.5. Expanding Platform Efficiency Across the Economy 37

3.6. Policy Recommendations 40

Table of Contents

| xiii

xiv |

Table of Contents

Chapter 4: Creating a Future-Ready Labour Force 48

4.1. The Present Training Ecosystem and Recent Policy Initiatives 49

4.2. The Need and Opportunity for Skill Development in the Platform Economy 50

4.3. Platform-led Skilling as a Growth Model 51

4.4. Policy Recommendations 52

Chapter 5: Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy 56

5.1. Structural Barriers to Social Inclusion : Challenges faced by Women 57

5.2. Structural Barriers to Social Inclusion: Challenges faced by PwDs 60

5.3. Opportunities for Greater Social Inclusion in Platform Work 61

5.4. Growing Evidence of Women’s Participation in the Platform Economy 62

5.5. Breaking Barriers, Creating Opportunities 65

5.6. Policy Recommendations 67

Chapter 6: Global Examples and Suggestions for Social Security for

Gig & Platform Workers in India 72

6.1. Understanding Social Security through Worker Classifications 73

6.2. Evidence of Social Protection for Platform Workers during Covid-19 73

6.3. Contemporary Challenges to Regulatory Framework for Gig and Platform

Workers: A Global Abstract 78

6.4. Best Practices 86

6.5. Policy Recommendations 90

Chapter 7: The Future of the Platform Economy – A Research Agenda 94

7.1. The Survey of Small Platforms 94

7.2. Women-run Platforms 95

7.3. Are Platforms Formalising or Informalising the Economy? 95

7.4. Contribution of the Platform Economy to India’s GDP 96

Chapter 8: References 98

Chapter 9: Endnotes 122

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Executive

Summary

The rapidly burgeoning gig workforce is

ushering in a new economic revolution

globally. India – with its demographic dividend

of half-a-billion labour force and the world’s

youngest population, rapid urbanisation,

widespread adoption of smartphones and

associated technology – is the new frontier of

this revolution. The gig economy has proven

its resilience and potential even in the wake

of the Covid-19 pandemic, by continuing

to unlock jobs in the millions and keeping

communities connected. Gig economy –

transforming the way we move, work, and

live – not just impacts how we do business

but also affects our GDP.

In this backdrop, this first-of-its-kind report

presents comprehensive perspectives and

recommendations on the gig-platform

economy in India, engaging gig-platform

workers in the millions. Gig workers – those

engaged in livelihoods outside the traditional

employer-employee arrangement – can be

broadly classified into platform and non-

platform-based workers. Platform workers

are those whose work is based on online

software apps or digital platforms. While,

non-platform gig workers are generally casual

wage workers and own-account workers in

the conventional sectors, working part-time

or full time. Delving deeper into the variance

xvi |

Executive Summary

| xvii

between gig and conventional workers, this

study uses the characteristics such as location

(in urban areas), age group (18-45 years),

education levels (ranging between secondary

school and graduation), income level (workers

whose household consumption expenditure

is below the 75

percentile of monthly per

capita consumption expenditure), ownership

of mobile phones and access to a bank

account for estimating gig and platform

workers.

The purpose of this study is to view gig

work, with a focus on its subset – platform

work, through economic as well as worker

perspectives. In economic terms, the job

creating potential of the gig economy,

estimating its size and identifying its demand

across various industries are some of the

aspects that have been studied. The worker

perspective focuses on both the opportunities

and challenges for workers in the sector,

skilling the workers to enhance employment

opportunities for them in the sector, the

potential of platform work in accelerating

job creation for women and Persons with

Disabilities (PwDs) and initiatives for providing

social protection to all workers in this sector.

ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE:

ESTIMATES AND PROJECTIONS

A special emphasis has been placed on

estimating the gig workforce in India,

which has otherwise been confounded by

methodological issues in identifying gig

workers. Often taking up multiple tasks with

contracts on-a-task-basis makes counting

workers complex. Moreover, there are severe

data gaps when it comes to estimating the

size of the gig economy. Therefore, with the

limited data that is available on employment

and other related aspects, this study sets out

to estimate the size of the gig workforce in

India by building on assumptions derived

from micro and macro studies in the

country. It must, however, be noted that the

estimation is only indicative and may not

represent the true size of the gig workforce.

Notwithstanding these limitations, the key

estimations and projections of this study are

summarised below.

1. The gig economy engages millions of

gig workers.

a. It is estimated that there were 68

lakh (6.8 million) gig workers in

2019-20, using both principal and

subsidiary status, forming 2.4% of

the non-farm workforce or 1.3% of

the total workers in India.

b. It is estimated that in 2020-21, 77

lakh (7.7 million) workers were

engaged in the gig economy.

They constituted 2.6% of the non-

agricultural workforce or 1.5% of the

total workforce in India.

c. The gig workforce is expected to

expand to 2.35 crore (23.5 million)

workers by 2029-30. The gig workers

are expected to form 6.7% of the

non-agricultural workforce or 4.1%

of the total livelihood in India by

2029-30.

2. There is a growing demand for gig

work.

a. The employment elasticity to GDP

growth for gig workers was above

one throughout the period 2011-12 to

2019-20, and was always above the

overall employment elasticity.

b. The higher employment elasticity

for gig workers indicates the nature

of economic growth, which created

greater demand for gig workers

while not generating commensurate

demand for non-gig workers.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

xviii |

Executive Summary

c. This also points towards greater

conversion of non-gig work to that

of gig work.

3. Gig work is expanding in all sectors.

a. In terms of industrial classification,

about 26.6 lakh (2.7 million) gig

workers were involved in retail trade

and sales, and about 13 lakh (1.3

million) were in the transportation

sector.

b. About 6.2 lakhs (0.6 million) were

in manufacturing and another 6.3

lakhs (0.6 million) in the finance and

insurance activities.

c. The retail sector saw an increase of

15 lakh (1.5 million) workers during

2011-12 to 2019-20, transport sector

7.8 lakhs (0.8 million), manufacturing

— 3.9 lakhs (0.4 million).

d. In the education sector, the

expansion was from 66,000 to more

than one lakh (100,000) by 2019-20.

4. Gig work may accentuate skill

polarisation

a. At present about 47% of the gig work

is in medium skilled jobs, about 22%

in high skilled, and about 31% in low

skilled jobs.

b. Trend shows the concentration of

workers in medium skills is gradually

declining and that of the low skilled

and high skilled is increasing.

c. It may be expected that while the

domination of medium skills would

continue till 2030, gig work with

other skills will emerge.

Gig work is bound to expand due to the

technological possibilities in numerous

production spaces. At the same time, it

also provides the opportunity for workers to

transcend the limitations of work-time and

work-space. Given this potential of gig work,

the future would see a growing prominence

of such work. However, there exists no official

data that can authoritatively estimate the

extent of gig work in India, thereby rendering

the gig workforce invisible. This calls for the

following recommendations for future

estimations.

Recommendations for Future

Estimations

1. Undertake a separate enumeration

exercise to estimate the size of

the gig economy, and identify the

characteristic features of gig workers.

2. During official enumerations (PLFS,

NSS or otherwise), collect information

to identify gig workers. This could

include questions on the nature of

contract between worker and job

creator, use of technology in work, etc.

WORKER PERSPECTIVE:

FINDINGS AND

RECOMMENDATIONS

Gig and specifically platform workers exhibit

characteristics beyond the formal-informal

dichotomy. While gig work is a larger concept

with many undefined aspects, platform work

within it is more substantial. Therefore, the

worker perspective of this study aims to shed

light on who is a platform worker and how

a platform worker can be protected, while

encouraging employment opportunities in

the platform sector.

In a platform economy, any individual armed

with an internet-enabled smartphone and

tangible or intangible assets can monetise

these assets at will, to become a platform

worker. Thus, beyond its potential to provide a

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Executive Summary

| xix

wide spectrum of services to consumers, the

platform economy can also offer livelihood

opportunities to different sections of workers,

including women, migrants, Persons with

Disabilities (PwDs), and the youth. The

worker perspective heavily draws from case

studies and secondary literature review for

a comparative analysis of platform workers

and their counterparts, paving the way for

recommendations. The study presents a

systematic analysis of both the opportunities

as well as challenges for workers in the

platform sector. Some of the key findings and

recommendations have been detailed below.

1. Technology Diffusion and Evolv-

ing Future of Work

a. Delineation of Jobs

The huge difference between

platform-mediated jobs and those

in the wider unorganised economy

entails the definition of the job itself.

b. Democratisation of Jobs

i. The gig and platform sector has

low-entry barriers and hence

holds enormous potential for

job creation in India.

ii. The gig and platform

sector offers better income

opportunities to those previously

engaged in similar non-

platform jobs. It can thus work

as a catalyst for occupational

mobility.

c. Geographical Availability

Around 300 cities of varying sizes

in India are serviced by various

platforms operating across sectors

like ride-hailing, home-based

services, food/ grocery/ medicine

delivery, logistics fulfilment and

e-commerce, covering the broad

ambit of urban services, and making

mobility of workers and clients across

markets hassle-free.

d. Reliability of Work

i. The technological intervention

in this space has contributed to

the uptick in demand, and hence

the earnings opportunities

associated with it.

ii. This is predicated on the

unprecedented level of skill

matching and tech-based

job allocation fulfilled in real-

time by platforms, thereby

eliminating the inefficiencies in

these sectors.

e. Challenges for Workers in the

Sector

i. Access to internet services and

digital technology can be a

restrictive factor for workers

willing to take up jobs in the gig

and platform sector.

ii. Lack of job security, irregularity

of wages, and uncertain

employment status for workers

are significant challenges

noted by studies in the gig and

platform sector. The uncertainty

associated with regularity in the

available work and income may

lead to increased stress and

pressure for workers.

iii. The contractual relationship

between the platform owner

and worker is characterised as

other than one of employment.

Platform workers are termed as

“independent contractors”. As a

result, platform workers cannot

access many of the workplace

protections and entitlements.

iv. Studies have also reported

that workers engaged in

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

xx |

Executive Summary

remunerative activities with

digital platforms may face

stress due to pressures resulting

from algorithmic management

practices and performance

evaluation on the basis of

ratings.

Thus, growth of business in labour platforms

needs to be balanced with decent working

conditions and well-being of workers.

With technological diffusion changing the

future of work, greater efforts are needed to

facilitate innovation while creating jobs and

protecting workers. Therefore, the following

recommendations have been made.

a. Catalyse Platformization

i. A Platform India initiative, built

on the pillars of Accelerating

Platformization by Simplification

and Handholding, Funding

Support and Incentives, Skill

Development, and Social

Financial Inclusion, like the

immensely successful Startup

India initiative, may be

introduced.

ii. Ferrying of passengers for

hire may be permitted in all

categories ranging from two-

wheelers (in the form of bike

taxis or bike-pool) and three-

wheelers (rickshaws, auto-

rickshaws), to four-wheelers

(taxi-cabs and carpool), and

10-12-seater vehicles (mini-

buses).

iii. Self-employed individuals

engaged in the business of

selling regional and rural cuisine,

street food, etc. may be linked to

platforms so that they could sell

their produce to wider markets

in towns and cities.

iv. The government may remove

entry barriers and create a level-

playing field while retaining key

aspects of mobility platforms

– the ability of drivers to have

flexible working conditions and

be an entrepreneur in their own

right. For instance, the Central

Government (Ministry of Road

Transport and Highways –

MoRTH) has done away with

the requirement of commercial

licences to drive commercial

vehicles. The state governments

may consider implementing

the no-commercial license rule

uniformly across the country.

b. Accelerate Financial Inclusion

i. Access to institutional credit

may be enhanced to bolster

the Government’s existing

efforts to promote financial

inclusion through financial

products specifically designed

for platform workers and those

interested to set-up their own

platforms. Venture capital

funding, grants and loans

from banks and other funding

agencies should be provided to

platform businesses of all sizes

at the pre-revenue and early-

revenue stages.

ii. FinTech and platform businesses

may be leveraged to provide

cash flow-based loans to workers

as against collateral-based loans,

thereby catering to the needs of

those new to credit.

iii. Unsecured loans to first-time

borrowers participating in the

platform economy may be

classified as Priority Sector

Lending.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Executive Summary

| xxi

iv. Special emphasis may be

placed on access to formal

credit for women and Persons

with Disabilities (PwDs).

v. Likewise, special emphasis

should be offered to platform

businesses started in small cities,

towns, and villages in India.

2. Skill Development for Platform

Jobs

a. Skill development of youth and the

workforce remains an important

priority for India to make them

employable.

b. Often, the platform companies

which provide earning opportunities

for those associated with them take

considerable steps in skilling these

workers as well. This is to assure

uniform standards in quality of

service, while also achieving up-

skilling of workers in an otherwise

highly unorganised labour economy.

Therefore, pursuing ends- or outcome-

based, platform-led models of skilling and

job creation have gathered attention from

industry associations and have proven

to be successful. This study makes the

following recommendations to bolster

skill development initiatives to enhance

employment opportunities for workers in the

gig and platform sector.

a. Outcome-based Skilling

i. It is important to strengthen

industry-linkages and enable

candidates undergoing skill

training to receive on-the-job

training.

Examples of such outcome-

based skilling are seen in

the National Apprenticeship

Training Scheme of the Ministry

of Education, and the National

Apprenticeship Promotion

Scheme and Dual System

of Training initiative of the

Ministry of Skill Development

and Entrepreneurship. These

initiatives combine theoretical

training with practical training

from industry partners,

thereby strengthening industry

linkages and providing hands-

on experience to students on

industries’ latest technologies

and techniques.

b. Platform-led Transformational

Skilling

i. Platforms can enable the

upskilling and diversification

of platform workforce in a

newly structured and industry-

tested manner. Platforms can

collaborate with the Ministry

of Skill Development and

Entrepreneurship, and the

National Skill Development

Corporation (NSDC) to nurture

skilled workers and micro-

entrepreneurship.

ii. Transformational upskilling

creates avenues of horizontal

and vertical mobility for workers

empowering them to augment

their earnings.

c. Transferability of Skills

i. Platforms can enable the

creation of potential “Skill

Certificates” or “Skill Passports”

for workers that platform

businesses can provide.

ii. This can be envisaged as a “Skill

Badge” in the platform worker’s

online profile.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

xxii |

Executive Summary

d. Platform-skilling Models with

Government Schemes

i. The potential and impact of

platform-led skilling may be

included in India’s National

Skill Development Policy, and

incorporated in the formulation

of all roadmaps and strategies

for skill development.

ii. This would set the right stage

for nationwide ends-based skill

development while also catering

to a growing young population

which is mobile-first.

e. Integration/Linkage of Employ-

ment and Skill Development

portals: By integrating the Skill

Development and Employment/

Social Security portals such as

E-Shram and National Career

Services portals of the Ministry of

Labour and Employment, Udy-

am portal of the Ministry of Micro,

Small & Medium Enterprises and

the ASEEM portal of Ministry of Skill

Development & Entrepreneurship, a

one-stop solution could be afforded

for a large number of workers India.

3. Enhancing Social Inclusion in

the New-age Digital Economy

a. The female labour force participation

in India has remained low, oscillating

between 16% to 23% in the last few

years.

b. Meanwhile, Persons with Disability

(PwDs), who make up for 2.11 to 10%

of India’s population, have a labour

force participation rate of 36%.

c. The structural barriers for both

demographic groups range from

access to education, lack of skilling

and a direct correlation between

gender or disability and incidence

of poverty.

d. There is an emerging positive trend

that suggests women are more

likely to take up platform jobs after

their education and marriage.

e. Platforms businesses are actively

working towards value creation

in terms of skilling, digital literacy,

financial literacy and inculcating

entrepreneurial spirit.

Platforms offer flexibility and choice of labour

to all workers in general and women and

PwDs in particular, empowering them to

monetise their idle assets when and where

they want. This benefit is missing in traditional

employment sectors. Platforms are thus

attractive avenues of livelihood opportunities

for women and PwDs.

The platform economy relies on innovation

to provide access to skill development, social

security, access to finance and job creation,

which are the key pillars of inclusive growth.

In order to strengthen the inclusiveness

platform jobs have to offer, this study makes

the following recommendations:

a. Recommendations for the Industry

i. Gender Sensitisation & Acces-

sibility Awareness Programmes

for workers and their families

1. Platform businesses can

undertake partnerships

with civil society organi-

sations (CSOs) and non-

governmental organisa-

tions (NGOs) to promote

legal/ economic/ social

rights of women and es-

pecially from marginal and

vulnerable backgrounds,

thereby increasing their po-

tential to take up non-tradi-

tional livelihoods.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Executive Summary

| xxiii

ii. Inclusive Communication, Sys-

tems, and Processes

1. Platform businesses can

implement communi-

cation plans which are

gender- and accessibility-

inclusive. For instance, they

can ensure there is a higher

share of women and PwD

managers and supervisors

in the organisation. They

can ensure communication

to workers does not

perpetuate gender and

disability stereotypes. They

can have 24 X 7 helplines,

etc.

iii. Skill development and asset

ownership

1. Partnerships with Govern-

ments, CSOs & Allied

Businesses to reskill and

upskill women and PwDs

while also facilitating their

access to assets

iv. Better Infrastructure and Work

Design to create enabling

environment for women and

PwD workers.

v. Institutionalise Accessibility,

Diversity and Inclusion at the

workplace with initiatives such

as Gender-based and Disability-

based onboarding targets and

incentives.

vi. Facilitate access to social security

benefits for women and Persons

with Disabilities (PwDs).

b. Recommendations for the

Government, Civil society, Allied

businesses, and Nonprofits

i. Ensure universal coverage of

platform workers through the

Code on Social Security

ii. Bridge skill gaps by carrying

out periodic assessments

and partnering with platform

businesses for onboarding

skilled women and PwDs

iii. Reach out to unbanked and

underbanked women and

PwDs through FinTech services

iv. Organise gender sensitisation

and accessibility awareness

programmes for all public-

facing personnel from traffic

cops and law-and-order police

to toll booth operators, et. al.

v. Incentivise inclusive businesses

– women led-platforms or plat-

forms that encourage recruit-

ment of women employees and

those with disabilities.

vi. Make aggregate data publicly

available to enable robust deci-

sion-making by the ecosystem.

4. Global Examples and Sugges-

tions for Social Security for Gig

& Platform Workers in India

This study report sheds light on the various

social protection approaches taken around

the world for gig and platform workers

and how they can pave the way for social

protection measures for gig and platform

workers in India.

i. Paid Sick Leave, Health Access

and Insurance: On the lines of

measures introduced to mitigate

the challenges posed by the Covid-19

pandemic by platforms such as

Ola, Uber, Urban Company, Swiggy,

Zomato, measures for paid sick

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

xxiv |

Executive Summary

leave, health access and insurance

may be adopted by platforms as

a part of their workplace or work-

engagement policies for all the

workers they engage, round the year.

This will have positive implications

for offering a social security cover to

platform workers engaged by these

firms.

ii. Occupational Disease and

Work Accident Insurance: On

the lines of Indonesia’s initiatives

in offering accident and other

insurance to workers through digital

mechanisms, ride-hailing, delivery

and e-commerce platforms may

adopt such a model for providing

accident insurance to all delivery

and driver partners, and other

platform workers across India. These

may be offered in collaboration with

the private sector or government, as

envisaged under the Code on Social

Security, 2020.

iii. Retirement/Pension Plans and

Other Contingency Benefits: As

illustrated in the case of measures

introduced in the U.K. in the study,

gig and platform firms need to adopt

policies that offer old age/retirement

plans and benefits and other

insurance cover for contingencies

such as injury arising from work

that may lead to loss of employment

and income. Such plans and policies

may be uniquely designed by a

firm, in partnership with insurance

companies, or could be designed

and offered in collaboration with the

government, as envisaged under the

Code on Social Security, 2020.

iv. Support to Workers in a Situation

of Irregularity of Work: As illustrated

in the study through the examples

of initiatives undertaken in the U.S.

and U.K., gig and platform firms

may consider providing income

support to workers. This will be a

critical step in providing assured

minimum earnings and social

security from income loss in the

wake of uncertainty or irregularity

in work.

v. Supporting Small Businesses &

Entrepreneurs associated with

Platforms: As a part of initiatives

introduced to mitigate the

challenges posed by the Covid-19

pandemic, there have been examples

of certain platforms extending

interest-free business advances and

delayed payback periods to protect

the gig workers, self-employed and

small businesses engaged with

them. Following such examples,

small businesses and entrepreneurs

can be encouraged to have linkages

with platforms to expand outreach

for their products and services.

vi. Contingency Cover out of a Corpus

Fund: As illustrated in the study a

mobility platform, in order to support

auto-rickshaw, cab, kaali-peeli and

taxi drivers to mitigate the effects

of the Covid-19 lockdown on their

income, created a corpus of INR 20

Cr, called the “Drive the Driver Fund”.

Measures such as offering a social

security cover out of a corpus fund

can help support gig and platform

workers and other self-employed

individuals associated with the

sector in case of contingencies.

RAISE Framework for operationalising

the Code on Social Security (CoSS), 2020

As Central and State governments draw

up rules and regulations under CoSS 2020,

they could adopt the five-pronged RAISE

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Executive Summary

| xxv

approach to ensure realisation of full access to

social security for all gig and platform workers:

i. Recognise the varied nature of

platform work to design equitable

schemes.

ii. Allow augmentation of social security

through innovative financing

mechanisms.

iii. Incorporate, while designing

schemes, the specific interests of

platforms, factoring the impact on

job creation, platform businesses

and workers.

iv. Support workers to subscribe to

government schemes and welfare

programmes through widespread

awareness campaigns.

v. Ensure benefits are readily accessible

to workers.

5. The Future of Platform Economy:

A Research Agenda

Being in its nascent stage, the platform

economy in India is yet to be studied

comprehensively. Not only are there severe

data gaps when it comes to enumerating

gig and platform workers, there is much to be

explored on the regulatory front as well. The

exercise of policy design and implementation

must keep its specific subjects and well-

defined purpose, in order to be effective.

Therefore, this study concludes by formulating

a research agenda that lists out some of the

key aspects of the platform economy that

need to be studied:

i. Survey of Small Platforms

At present, the regulatory debate

around platform businesses takes

a blanket approach of treating all

businesses the same. However,

the functioning and issues of

small platform businesses are not

the same as those of their bigger

counterparts. Applying uniform

regulations and policy interventions

without accounting for how their

impact may vary according to the

size of a platform, would prove to be

detrimental to the growth of smaller

businesses.

ii. Women-run Platforms

Greater data is needed to understand

the difficulties faced by women-run

platforms. Extensive research into

this domain would help design

incentives to promote their growth

and help them scale up.

iii. Are Platforms leading to

Formalization of Employment?

Even as various studies have

recognised the employment

generation potential of platforms, it

may be of interest to explore if the

use of technology and other new

mechanisms in platforms is leading

to formalization of employment.

iv. Contribution of the Platform

Economy to India’s GDP

This report presents an indirect

approach to estimate the growth

in the size of the gig-platform

economy and its contribution to

India’s economic output. Alternative

approaches grounded in actual

data of the number of workers

wearing the platform labour hat

are necessary. Furthermore, using

these estimates, platform economy’s

contribution to India’s GDP must be

determined. This exercise may also

enable India to unpack the pace at

which platformization is occurring

across industries and what enablers

and barriers might be causing the

same.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Introduction

The rise of the gig economy in India is

changing the face of its workforce. The current

estimation for gig economy jobs in India is at

8 to 18 million, which is projected to increase

to over 90 million jobs in the non-farm sector

in the next eight to ten years (Tiwari, Ram

& Roy, 2019; BCG and Michael & Susan Dell

Foundation, 2021). Therefore, by next decade

the gig economy in India can see USD 250

billion transactions at 1.25% of the country’s

Gross Domestic Product.

For India, four industry sectors can be

identified as the ones with the highest

potential to produce “gigable” jobs in the future

— Construction, Manufacturing, Retail, and

Transportation and Logistics. These sectors

are together expected to accommodate over

70 million of the potentially “gigable” jobs in

the future (BCG and Michael & Susan Dell

Foundation, 2021). However, the gig economy

is fast-expanding and its presence can be

noticed in other industries such as textile,

banking and financial services, electricity, gas

and water; real estate, IT and ITES, education,

personal services (IBEF, 2021). Currently more

than 75% of the companies have less than

10% gig headcount, but this proportion is

bound to rise with MNCs turning to flexible

hiring options (ibid).

2 |

Introduction

| 3

Shifting the focus to platform economy, a

subset of the gig economy, in the next three

to four years, about 24 million jobs could be

converted to technology-based gig labour (i.e.

platform work), with about three million jobs

in shared services and another eight million

jobs servicing household demand (BCG

and Michael & Susan Dell Foundation, 2021).

Further, the study by Fairwork India (Fairwork

India, 2020) estimates that eleven platforms

in India report about 30 lakh workers in 2020

Therefore, the increasing prominence of gig

and platform workers must be acknowledged,

if India is to leverage the full potential of this

new-age workforce.

A gig worker is a person who engages

in income-earning activities outside of a

traditional employer-employee relationship,

as well as in the informal sector (Ministry of

Labour and Employment, 2020a). When gig

workers use platforms – i.e., websites or apps

like Ola, Uber, Dunzo, Zomato, Swiggy or

Urban Company – to connect with customers,

they are called platform workers (OECD, 2019).

Platform workers are one of the most visible

groups of professionals in urban India today.

Through the app, they could receive a work

order which might involve ferrying passengers

around in taxi-cabs, auto-rickshaws, bike-taxis

and their electric vehicle variants, deliver

food and groceries, or provide cleaning or

wellness services at home. Even as this form

of labour, i.e. platform work, gains currency

in today’s socio-political landscape, it did not

start in the 2020s. Nor is it restricted to the

aforementioned jobs or a country like India

alone.

The gig economy in itself is expansive

and undefined and can include a variety

of workers outside of a traditional worker

definition. However, platform economy is more

concretised as it specifically focuses on the

1 See page 30, Fairwork India Report 2020, for

estimates of each of the eleven platforms.

use of online platforms, making each worker’s

role clearly defined. For instance, it is not

uncommon in India to have an independent

worker, like the chauffeur for a family, take up

other roles, such as butler, errand runner or

daytime watchman. Such roles are dissociated

and demarcated to provide a specific service

in the platform economy (Ramachandran &

Raman, 2021).

Even though independent work is not a new

phenomena, its digital enablement through

platformization is. Globally, the number of

web-based platforms have tripled, and the

number of taxi and delivery platforms has

grown nearly tenfold (ILO, 2021). The number

of digital platforms increased from 142 in

2010 to 777 in 2020, generating a revenue of

at least USD 52 billion in 2019 alone. These

digital platforms of labour are primarily

concentrated in the US (29%), India (8%), and

the UK and Northern Ireland (5%) (ibid). Tasks,

such as design, data entry, analytics, and

financial services, among others, can now be

outsourced by businesses through these web-

based platforms. Platforms are thus emerging

as the new defining peak of a globalised world,

where the needs of a business in the global

North can be addressed by a worker in the

global South. The diverse nature of platforms

enables them to parallely offer hyperlocal jobs

centred on driving and delivery. Such location-

based platforms also provide a plethora of

day-to-day professional home services, such

as electrical work, cleaning, and beauty or

wellness-based services, among others.

Thus, the future of work is rapidly changing

in the face of three common forces –

technological advancement, climate change

and demography. Of the three, the most

pervasive has been technology. A panel of 20

technology businesses and academic experts

from around the globe have estimated that

85% of the jobs that will exist in 2030 have

not even been invented yet (Dell & IFTF, 2018).

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

4 |

Introduction

The diffusion of technology can be witnessed

in the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India,

China and South Africa) that have experienced

momentous growth in internet connections

and use of internet-enabled devices (ILO,

2020). In India alone, the number of active

internet users is expected to increase by 45%,

from 622 million in 2020 to 900 million in

2025 (IAMAI-Kantar, 2020).

The world is only beginning to capture the

immense opportunities digitalisation offers,

and the Covid-19 pandemic has accelerated

this process. In India, the total digital

transaction volume had increased to INR 4,371

crore from 3,412 crore in 2019-20. At the same

time, the value of digital transactions made

through the Unified Payment Interface (UPI)

system alone doubled from INR 21,31,730 crore

in 2019-2020 to INR 41,03,658 crores in 2020-

2021 (RBI, 2021). This increased preference for

digital modes of payments was a result of

the strict containment measures, including

lockdowns and restrictions on non-essential

economic and social activities throughout

2020. Moreover, digital technologies, thus,

emerged as the essential tool that ensured

service continuity. Platform workers emerged

as the lifeline keeping communities connected

in 2020. They ferried essential personnel

to hospitals, delivered food, groceries, and

medicines to all in general, and the elderly

and vulnerable communities, in particular

(The Economic Times, 2020).

This study impresses upon the need to

leverage these benefits of digitalisation to

boost employment in the gig and platform

sector.

Undoubtedly, platform labour is the result

of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR). 4IR

which started in the late 2000s – early 2010s

is growing exponentially, disrupting every

industry in every country, and heralding the

transformation of entire systems of production,

management, and governance. Technologies

and emerging technological breakthroughs

of the 4IR such as smartphones, Internet

of Things (IoT), artificial intelligence, etc. are

blurring the lines between the physical,

digital, and biological spheres (Schwab, 2016),

all the while making our jobs and lives safe

and convenient.

As most platform businesses rely on mobile-

based apps, accessed on affordable mobile

devices and low-cost data plans, they have

thrived in India, with a much needed impetus

provided by the Government’s Digital India

campaign that aims to build a digitally

empowered society and knowledge economy.

The accretion in the number of active internet

users in India will further enable existing

platforms to scale, and new ones to emerge.

Moreover, India has already emerged as one

of the world’s largest countries for flexi-staffing

(i.e., gig and platform work) (The Economic

Survey 2020-21), and that this form of work

will likely continue to grow with the incursion

of e-commerce platforms amid the Covid-19

pandemic.

Indeed, the ubiquity of smartphones and

availability of affordable data are transforming

how we work, move, and live. As the

digital permeates all aspects of our lives,

digitalisation of work is inevitable. Invariably,

central to this metamorphosis is talent or

labour, representing the most critical factor

of production in the 21

century. Even as

consumer needs and aspirations evolve, and

business models change, how well a nation’s

labour force adjusts to the transitions, and

powers this transformation is important for any

economy. This is particularly relevant for India

which is home to over half a billion individuals

in the working-age. Thus, the manner in which

2 Digital India is a ﬂagship programme of the

Government of India with a vision to transform India

into a digitally powered society and knowledge

economy (Ministry of Electronics and Information

Technology, 2015).

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Introduction

| 5

India leverages the technologies of the 4IR

to unlock meaningful jobs for its population

while enhancing its global competitiveness is

a public policy issue of urgent significance.

1.1. PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

Situated in this backdrop is this comprehensive

study of the platform economy in India. Being

a new-age phenomena, there are a number

of aspects of platform work that remain

unexplored, and this study is an attempt

to plug these knowledge gaps through a

structure of four key pillars:

1. Data on Platform Economy

a. There is a need for evidence-based

analysis around gig and platform

work to recommend policy measures

to leverage gig and platform

economy to unlock jobs, protect

livelihoods, and enhance social and

financial inclusion.

b. This study estimates the size of the

gig and platform economy, while

also highlighting their relevance for

India.

2. Job creation for the marginalised

a. Platform work due to the flexibility

of work hours and work space that it

offers, can offer greater employment

avenues to different categories of

workers such as women and Persons

with Disabilities (PwDs) as well.

b. This study presents suggestions for

promoting social inclusion in the

platform economy, which can be

leveraged to improve the labour

force participation of marginalised

and vulnerable groups, especially

through skilling.

3. Global comparisons and lessons

a. Through a comprehensive

comparative analysis, this study

examines the characteristics of

platform labour and regulations

related to it globally.

b. The study documents best practices

and initiatives for social security of

platform workers undertaken by

some countries.

4. Recommendations for policy measures

to leverage the opportunities offered

by the platform economy

a. Through a concretised set of

recommendations, this study calls

for a multi-stakeholder approach

to leverage the gig and platform

economy to unlock jobs, protect

livelihoods, and enhance social and

financial inclusion in India.

b. The study presents recommenda-

tions for estimating employment

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

6 |

Introduction

included in the analysis. Lastly, 15 industries

with the largest concentration of gig work or

having the potential to have a growth of gig

work are considered in the estimation of the

size of gig workforce in India.

The chapter concludes with recommen-

dations on improving the process of enu-

meration in India with specific inputs on

strengthening labour force surveys and data

collection in the country.

Chapter 3: Technology Diffusion

and Democratisation of Jobs

This chapter unpacks the concepts of

platformization and the platform economy in

detail. It further looks at a host of frequently

asked questions on the platform economy:

What is the impact of digitalisation of jobs in

India? Who is a platform worker? What are

the characteristics of a platform worker and

how are they different, if any, from a non-

platform worker? How does the platform

economy interact with the traditional

formal-informal economy? How large is the

platform economy? What is the potential of

the platform economy in India; what is the

quantum of livelihoods it can unlock in the

years to come?

To answer said questions, we use data

from a first-of-its-kind survey involving

3,300 platform workers and 1,700 non-

platform workers conducted across 12 cities

in India, in late 2019. The insights are then

combined with an analysis of macro- and

microeconomic trends revealed by large

datasets from Periodic Labour Force Surveys,

and data from the Centre for Monitoring

Indian Economy, among others. Evidence,

thus, collected on India is compared with

that of emerging and advanced economies

to understand the similarities and differences

3 We use secondary and tertiary sources here.

in the gig and platform economy,

promoting platforms for employ-

ment generation, skill development

initiatives to enhance employment

and income earning opportunities

for workers and recommendations

to enhance access to social security

coverage for gig and platform work-

ers in India.

1.2. OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY

This report presents findings from the

investigation into the following aspects of

what is broadly termed the gig and platform

economy, arranged thematically in various

chapters as follows.

Chapter 2: The Gig Workforce in

India: Estimates and Projections

Chapter 2 adopts a novel albeit indirect

method to estimate the size of the gig

workforce in India. Using proximate gig worker

characteristics (supply side) determined

from existing literature & micro-studies, we

estimate the number of workers with these

gig worker-like characteristics within the

industries and occupations that demand

gig work (demand side). While estimates are

made for the time period 2011-20, projections

are made for the period 2021-30. Worker

characteristics such as location, age group,

education, household income, agriculture

or non-agricultural employment, and access

to mobile phones and bank accounts, are

factored in for the estimation. 21 occupations

ranging from computer professionals and

electronic equipment operators to sales

and business services agents, motor vehicle

drivers, housekeeping and restaurant service

workers, street vendors, domestic helpers

and cleaners, and building caretakers, etc. are

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Introduction

| 7

of platformization as it unfolds around the

world.

The chapter concludes with policy

recommendations for India to unlock jobs

in the millions, with emphasis on identifying

and removing entry barriers, if any, and truly

democratising access to jobs in the country.

Chapter 4: Creating a Future-ready

Labour Force

Chapter 4 looks at the interplay between

skill development and platformization. We

situate skills in the larger context of assets

that individuals have access to and which can

be monetised at their will. Thus, the chapter

considers numerous questions: What are the

assets needed for jobs in the 21

century?

How can they be gained? What is the

impact of platformization on worker’s skills?

What are the skill sets needed for India’s

half-a-billion labour force? What is the role

of the larger ecosystem – digital platforms,

training agencies, and the government,

among others – in skill development?

Evidence is derived from a driver training

provided by a mobility platform through in-

person sessions in the second half of 2019.

This is combined with survey results from

the 5000-worker survey stated earlier, along

with secondary data on skilling and asset

augmentation in the platform economy.

The chapter highlights the urgent need for

India to create a future-ready labour force

and presents policy recommendations to

enable the same.

Chapter 5: Enhancing Social

Inclusion in the New-age Digital

Economy

This chapter uses the lens of equity to study

the platform economy. Are platforms diverse

and inclusive? Here, we specifically study

the role of platforms in bringing women,

and Persons with Disabilities (PwDs) to the

forefront of the economy. In this context, we

study the enablers and barriers to performing

platform labour, faced by the traditionally

marginalised groups in India and conclude

with policy recommendations for India

to mainstream the active participation of

women and Persons with Disabilities (PwDs)

in the economy.

Insights from a survey of ~700 women within

and outside the platform economy informs

the policy learnings and recommendations in

this chapter, combined with case studies on

the participation of in the platform economy.

Chapter 6: Global Examples and

Suggestions for Social Security for

Gig & Platform Workers in India

Chapter 6 demystifies the evolution of social

protection around the world.

This chapter uses case studies to examine

how India and the rest of the world has

protected and leveraged the platform

economy against Covid-19. Platforms have

given rise to innovative models that can

provide social security benefits to workers

independent of their association to platforms.

Best practices from countries such as the

US, the UK, Singapore, China, South Africa

and Hong Kong have been used as evidence

to underscore the need for creating specific

policies to promote platform economy and

protect the platform workers. India’s Code on

Social Security expands worker classifications

in India, recognises worker classifications

of gig and platform workers and extends

social protection to all workers. Extending

social security to those associated in non-

traditional work relations such as platforms

is key to universalising social security.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

8 |

Introduction

Chapter 7: The Future of the

Platform Economy – A Research

Agenda

The concluding chapter of this report

identifies potential areas of research to

deepen our collective understanding of the

platform economy, and to leverage it to

unlock jobs in the millions while protecting

livelihoods and lives at scale.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

The Gig Workforce

in India: Estimates

and Projections

2.1 SIZING UP THE GIG ECONOMY:

CURRENT APPROACHES AND

ESTIMATES

Estimating the gig work force in India is

confounded with methodological issues

in identifying gig workers. Workers not

identified as employees, and instead termed

as partners, pose the issue of whether to

classify them as wage employed or as self-

employed. Often taking up multiple tasks with

contracts on-a-task-basis makes counting

workers complex. In addition, estimating the

size of the gig economy in India is fraught

with severe data gaps in this field. Though

the Indian statistical system is very robust

in the case of the conventional economy,

official data presently does not estimate gig

and platform workers due to the amorphous

nature of work in the sector. Nevertheless, the

gig economy is emerging in prominence and

its rising presence cannot be ignored. The gig

economy is bound to expand on account of

both conversion of conventional jobs into

gig work and also due to new sectors that

depend on platform and gig work.

With the limited data that is available on

employment and other related aspects

we attempt to estimate the size of the gig

workforce in India. The estimation is only

10 |

The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

| 11

indicative and may not represent the true size

of the gig workforce. Before we present our

estimates we summarise recent literature on

gig work estimations and their structure in

India and other countries.

2.1.1. Gig Economy Size

We first begin by outlining recent estimates

on the size of the gig economy. A 2020

study conducted by the Michael and Susan

Foundation and Boston Consulting Group

(BCG) estimates the gig economy jobs at 8

million in India. This could increase to about

90 million jobs in the non-farm sector in

about 8 to 10 years, with USD 250 billion

transactions at 1.25% of India’s GDP (BCG

and Michael & Susan Dell Foundation, 2021).

Further in three to four years, about 24 million

jobs could get converted to technology-

based gig labour (i.e. platform work), about

three million jobs in shared services and eight

million jobs servicing household demand.

A study by Fairwork India (Fairwork, 2020)

estimates that eleven platforms in India

report about 30 lakh workers in 2020

Another study notes that there are 33 lakh

platform workers in the passenger mobility

and hyperlocal delivery services in urban India

(Raman, Ramachandran & Sasikumar, 2021).

IBEF, citing an ASSOCHAM study, reports that

the gig sector is set to expand to USD 455

billion at a CAGR of 17% by 2024 (IBEF, 2021).

A 2019 study by TeamLease estimates that gig

workers in India increased from 8.5 million

in 2016 to 11.7 million in 2017, and 15 million

in 2018 (Tiwari, Ram & Roy, 2019). The report

further notes that 56% of new employment

in India is being generated by gig economy

companies across both blue- and white-

collar workforce. Most of the workers are

in Delhi followed by Bengaluru (Salman &

Bansal, 2019). Another 2019 report – the one

4 See page 30, Fairwork India Report 2020, for

estimates of each of the eleven platforms.

by Betterplace – estimates that of the 2.1

million blue-collar jobs in India in 2019, 1.4

million were in the gig economy. Betterplace

collated this data based on a sample set

of 1.1 million individual profiles, engaged by

1,000 job creators (Ganesh, 2019). Lastly, in

this confounding, contradicting array of gig

economy estimates is the 2021 compilation of

statistics on the gig economy by ASSOCHAM

and Primus Partners. Their report pegs the

gig economy size at 15 million “freelance

workers engaged in projects in different

sectors”. 64% of them are 24-38 years of age,

the report adds further. Lastly, the report

notes the distribution of gig workers in top

metro cities as follows: Bengaluru (2,34,000),

Delhi (2,25,000), Mumbai (1,33,000), Pune

(1,25,000), and Chennai (93,222) (ASSOCHAM

& Primus Partners, 2021).

2.1.2. Gig Industries and Occupa-

tions

Gig work is currently not spread across all

sectors of the economy, though it has the

potential to become a major form of work

in future. The BCG study identified four

industry sectors as the ones with the highest

potential to produce “gigable” jobs in the

future. Construction, Manufacturing, Retail,

and Transportation and Logistics would

accommodate over 70 million of the potentially

“gigable” jobs in the future. The IBEF report

cites other industries that are transforming

to gig such as textile, banking and financial

services, electricity, gas and water; real estate,

IT and ITES, education, personal services. IBEF

reports that MNCs are now turning to flexible

hiring options. Currently more than 75% of the

companies have less than 10% gig headcount,

but this proportion is bound to rise. The future

for such gig hiring may increase from 15% in

2020 to nearly 70% in another 5 years in the

FMCG industry, and similarly in other related

industries. Currently, the popular occupations

include driving, delivery of goods, customer

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The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

support, transactions processing, marketing

and sales, software development etc. As is

expected, in the future other jobs could also

get gigged. Reports project the long term

potential for gig to be skilled and semi-skilled

jobs (around 35 million) within industry sectors;

Shared services roles (around five million)

like facility management, transportation,

and accounting; household demand for

services (around 12 million); unskilled jobs

(approximately 37 million) across various

sectors of the economy.

2.1.3. Type of Gig Workers

Gig workers can be broadly classified into

platform and non-platform-based workers.

Non-platform gig workers are generally casual

wage workers and own-account workers in

the conventional sectors, working part-time

or full time. Platform workers are whose work

is based on online software apps or digital

platforms. Location-based platforms allow

in-person work at specific locations, such as

delivery or driving while web-based platforms

enable workers to perform online tasks for

clients around the world

2.1.4. Gig Worker Characteristics

Gig workers seem to differ from conventional

workers in terms of some individual

characteristics. Gig workers are comparatively

young, working for fewer hours a day on gig

work, preferring a flexible work schedule,

typically with low to middle level of education.

Income through gig work is not their primary

source of income and they are often holding

another regular job. They value transparent,

timely and assured payments while non-wage

benefits are not attractive to such workers.

Apart from these common characteristics

there are specific characteristics. For instance,

5 See Section 3.3 for a detailed classiﬁcation of platform

labour categorised by reach and complexity of

labour.

women prefer high-skill segments with

flexible work hours, to fulfil both their work

and household commitments

. Students look

at the gig economy as an additional source of

income. Similarly, students looking for partial

incomes with flexible schedules form a part

of the gig workforce.

2.2 ESTIMATING THE GIG WORK-

FORCE: METHODOLOGY

As stated earlier, estimating gig workers in

India is a challenge as there is no official or

widely accepted database that enumerates

gig workers. The primary difficulty arises from

the amorphous nature of gig work. Perhaps

this heterogeneous nature of gig work is what

is generating the wide gaps in estimates of

gig workers, ranging anything from 3 million

workers to 14 million. Acknowledging this

limitation we embark on an indirect method

to estimate the number of gig workers

in India. From the literature cited above

and results of micro studies we are able to

identify proximate features of gig workers. We

use these features to estimate the workers.

Broadly the approach is to identify worker

characteristics (supply side) of gig workers

and then to estimate the number of workers

with these gig-worker like characteristics

within the industries and occupations that

demand gig work (demand side).

6 While this has been observed for gig jobs with high

complexity, women also take up location-speciﬁc

platform jobs such as providing professional home

services, delivering packages, or ferrying passengers,

as can be seen in Chapter 5. Thus, women value

ﬂexibility and choice of labour allowing them to

monetise their skills and tangible assets when and

where they want. This helps reframe the role of

women in public and private life. Thus, labour force

participation is no longer a binary decision between

household duties and economic aspirations, but

women now have the choice to work at will (Raman

& Kulkarni, 2021).

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| 13

2.2.1. Characteristics of Gig

Workers

a. Location: Gig work, especially location-

based gig work is largely concentrated in

the urban areas. An essential feature of

gig work is to be able to do small parcels

of tasks within a short period of time. In

order for such work to be economically

viable for workers, the search cost for jobs

must be low. Agglomeration economies

are crucial for such fragmented jobs to

be matched among workers, job creators

(such as digital platforms), and final

clients. Gig work had remained local and

not grown in the past mainly due to the

huge coordination and monitoring costs

associated with such work. Information

Technology in the form of smartphone-

powered platforms has reduced

this transaction cost substantially in

the recent past, thus enabling the

possibility of gig work growing beyond

the local. The geographical spread of

gig work – now, much beyond local –

however, is constrained by the need

for agglomerations to reap economies

of scale and scope. Hence, such work

remains largely urban, concentrated

within large cities of the country. Today,

though, there is penetration of such

services in the hinterlands as well, i.e.

smaller urban formations (Tier 2 and

3 cities). After analysing the locational

specificities of various platform-based

firms we found that a large share of

their operations were located within

metropolitan cities. Therefore, we

earmarked the districts with the top 100

cities in the country, as identified by the

Census of India 2011, assuming most of

gig work would be limited to these large

cities within the country. In this study,

while selecting the 100 metropolitan

cities of India (as per the census) from

the NSSO-EUS & PLFS survey, we have

used a specific procedure based on the

available datasets. For those cities whose

information is not available in the NSSO

datasets, we have considered the whole

district for the computation.We have

used both the urban as well as rural

samples for identifying the total number

of gig-platform workers as per the

specifications. While 100 cities are used

for the current estimate, it is noteworthy

that passenger mobility services using

two-wheelers (mopeds, scooters, bikes),

hyperlocal deliveries, and e-commerce

services, among others, have reached

over 300 cities in India as will be seen in

Section 3.5.3.

b. Age Group: This study has included the

age group of 18-45 years as the potential

age group for estimating workers in the

gig and platform sector. The selection

of this age group as a characteristic for

estimating workers in this sector may

lead to an underestimation, but is in

line with the findings of a number of

studies that have noted that gig workers

are young workers compared to non-gig

workers. A 2019 study shows that the

average age group of app-based taxi

drivers was concentrated within the ages

of 18-45 years, while the age ranged from

18 to 65 years for conventional taxi drivers

(Ramachandran & Raman, 2021).

c. Education: Growing evidence from

around the world shows that work of all

degrees of complexity is giggable. Thus

gig work requires a range of skill sets. For

starters, manoeuvring a platform system

through complex interfaces of technology

and organisations may demand basic

levels of education. And for higher

complexity jobs such as accounting or

coding relevant educational qualifications

might be needed and even demanded by

clients. In this backdrop, it is noteworthy

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The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

that studies have found gig workers

in general to have educational levels

ranging between secondary school and

graduation, mirroring the larger trends in

the Indian economy where educational

levels are constantly rising. Thus, we use

this range in the level of education (i.e.

secondary school to graduation) as the

proximate educational qualification of

typical gig workers.

d. Income Level: We assume that gig work

is largely undertaken for augmentation

of existing income, based on micro-

studies in India. Most of the jobs that are

getting gigged or platformized are the

ones with lower degrees of complexity.

From the above it can be deduced that

most individuals belonging to the high

income category households may not

be part of the gig workforce, at least

for the time being. Treating this as our

basic assumptions, we consider those

workers whose household consumption

expenditure was below the 75

percentile

of monthly per capita consumption

expenditure (MPCE) as potential gig

workers.

e. Type of Employment: Gig work is

urbanised and operates mostly within the

non-agricultural sector of the economy.

We consider this feature as another

characteristic of the gig worker.

f. Ownership of Mobile Phones: All

platform-based gig workers require

ownership or access to mobile phones or

similar electronic devices to operate the

software interface. We consider that only

those workers who have mobile phones

are potential gig workers.

g. Bank Account: Most app-based or

platform-based services pay on piece

rate or task rate. The payment is done

only through authorised banks, as other

forms of payment are unviable. The

online banking system is an important

innovation that enables and powers

the operation of the platform economy.

Hence, we assume that all workers who

are part of the gig economy require to

have a bank account

2.2.2. Occupation and Industry

a. Occupation: Not all occupations are gig

work. Reading through the literature (BCG

and Michael & Susan Dell Foundation

(2021), IBEF(2021), Fairwork India (2020),

Pesole A (2018) ILO (2020), Kässi, O., &

Lehdonvirta, V. (2018), Berg, J., Furrer,

M., Harmon, E., Rani, U., & Silberman, M.

S. (2018, )it can be seen that there are

select occupations where gig work is

concentrated. Based on the literature, we

identify the following occupations from

the National Classification of Occupation

2004 as occupations that have gig

workers.

i. Computing Professionals

ii. Architects, Engineers and Related

Professionals

iii. Business Professionals

iv. Computer Associate Professionals

v. Optical and Electronic Equipment

Operators

vi. Finance and Sales Associate

Professionals

vii. Business Services Agents and Trade

Brokers

viii. Secretaries and Keyboard-Operating

Clerks

ix. Numerical Clerks

7 Notably, platforms help workers set up their bank

accounts and also facilitate their access to institutional

credit, as can be seen in the forthcoming chapters of

this report.

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| 15

x. Material Recording and Transport

Clerks

xi. Cashiers, Tellers and Related Clerks

xii. Client Information Clerks

xiii. Travel Attendants, Guides and

Related Workers

xiv. Housekeeping and Restaurant

Services Workers

xv. Personal Care and Related Workers

xvi. Shop Salespersons and Demonstra-

tors

xvii. Stall and Market Salespersons

xviii. Motor Vehicle Drivers

xix. Street Vendors and Related Workers

xx. Domestic and Related Helpers,

Cleaners and Launderers

xxi. Building Caretakers, Window and

Related Cleaners

b. Industry: We identify from literature

the industries that have the largest

concentration of gig work or have the

potential to have a growth of gig work.

The identified industries from the

National Industrial Classification are as

follows.

i. Section E Manufacturing

ii. Section D Electricity, gas, steam and

air conditioning supplies

iii. Section E Water supply; sewerage,

waste management and remedia-

tion activities

iv. Section F Construction

8 Today, any individual with access to a two-wheeler,

with or without a commercial permit, can deliver

packages, food, groceries, medicines etc., in the digital

hyperlocal economy. Such individuals are different

from the traditional motor vehicle drivers who drive

vehicles with commercial permits alone. Thus, many

of these traditional occupational categories need to

be expanded and/ or redeﬁned.

v. Division 47 Retail trade, except of

motor vehicles and motorcycles

vi. Section H Transportation and storage

vii. Section I Accommodation and Food

service activities

viii. Section J Information and

communication

ix. Section K Financial and insurance

activities

x. Section L Real estate activities

xi. Section N Administrative and

support service activities

xii. Group 854 Other education Group

xiii. Group 855 Educational support

services

xiv. Division 87 Residential care activities

xv. Division 95 Repair of computers and

personal and household goods

2.2.3 The Procedure for Estimation

and Projection

a. Estimating Employment

In India, the most acceptable and

authentic source for collecting

employment estimates is the

National Sample Survey Organization

(NSSO) cross-sectional Employment-

Unemployment Survey (EUS), and

Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS)

datasets. Here, our aggregate

employment analysis is based on the

Usual Principal Status (UPS), and Usual

Principal Status and Subsidiary Status

(UPSS) employment criteria as used in

the EUS and PLFS data. The employment

estimates are provided in the NIC-

2008 classification basis, whereas the

occupational characteristics use the

NCO-2004 classification. Further, census

adjusted weights have been applied

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The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

for estimating employment using the

NSSO-EUS and PLFS survey

b. Employment Projections

For estimating the employment

projections from 2020-21 to 2029-30 at

the aggregate level as well as for the gig

workers, we have followed the weighted

average growth rate criteria. Here, we

have first estimated the aggregate

employment growth (CAGR) (also for

gig workers) from 2011-12 to 2017-18 and

from 2017-18 to 2019-20. Afterwards, we

have estimated the weighted average

employment growth rate (WEGR) for

these two growth rates. This can be

depicted as,

( (2011 12 2017 18) 6

(2017 18 2019 20) 2)

EGR to

WEGR

− −×

+ − −×

−−

= +×

(2024 25) (2019 20)

EGR WE GR WEGR

−−

= +×

(2029 30) (2024 25)

EGR W EGR WEGR

c. Estimation of Gig Workers

We use the aforementioned supply side

and demand side proximate features

of gig work to estimate the volume

of gig workers in the country. We use

progressive filters to arrive at the number

of gig workers from the total population.

The base data source is the EUS of the

NSS and PLFS for the period 2011-12 to

2019-20.

9 The census adjustment has been done on the

basis of Census and NSSO population data sets.

First the Weighted NSSO population ﬁgure was

estimated from the concerned NSSO employment

and unemployment rounds both for rural-urban

and male and female differently. After that, the

given ﬁgures are divided by the concerned census

population ﬁgure. We have taken the census

ﬁgures from the Report of the Technical Group on

Population Projection, RGI, Census 2011. After getting

the respective ratios, they are multiplied with the

multiplier ﬁgure to get the census adjusted weights.

In the first step we estimate the

total workforce from the population,

after using the workforce proportions

estimated from the NSS and PLFS. The

population is the projected population

for the respective years, based on the

Census of India 2011.

In the next step we filter in that set of

workers from the NSS and PLFS which

has the following characteristics:

 belongs to any of the top 100 cities;

 within the age group 18 to 45 years;

 with an education level ranging

between secondary school to

graduation;

 belongs to the bottom 75th

percentile of MPCE

; and

 works in the non-agriculture sector.

Two additional desirable filters, ownership of

mobile phones and bank account are not

available in the NSS and PLFS data.

From the available sources, we have

considered the percentage of the population

having mobile phone penetration. Reduce for

estimating this, we have taken the information

from the World Bank estimates on mobile

phone penetration (World Bank, 2021). As

reported in the estimates we have considered

this share as 71.5% for the year 2011-12 and

accordingly taken the estimates as 87.3%

for the year 2017-18. As for the latest years

i.e., 2018-19 and 2019-20, the estimates have

not been provided, we have considered the

estimates by 1% increment for the year 2018-

19 (88.3%) and 2019-20 (89.3%) respectively. We

apply the same proportions for the filtered

workforce (working population) as estimated

from the NSS and PLFS data.

10 monthly per capita consumption expenditure

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| 17

After estimating the labour force using worker

characteristics we now apply industry and

occupation filters. From the NSS and PLFS

data set, we have the proportion of workers to

total workers engaged in the various selected

occupations across the selected industries.

We apply these proportions to the filtered

workforce. After applying this, the sum total

of all workers in the selected industries and

occupations is the estimated gig workers.

The procedure for estimation, in short, is (a)

to identify the potential workforce that can

be part of the gig workforce, through supply-

side characteristics; (b) thereafter identify

the demand for such workers through gig-

intensive industries and occupations; (c)

the intersection of the two, that of the gig

workforce and gig industry-occupation

provides the number of workers currently

estimated to be the gig workers.

As can be seen in the method above, the

estimation method followed is indirect and

only identifies characteristics close to gig

work. The method has numerous limitations.

The first and most obvious is that we do

not have any direct indicator for gig work.

Had it been so, estimation would have been

straightforward. The second limitation is that,

even proxy variables are not very close proxies.

For instance, job characteristics such as task-

based or piece rate, interface with technology

and travelling or working at flexible time

are reasonably fitting characteristics of gig

workers. We do not have such information

in the data set, and are hence, constrained

to work with the available information.

Nevertheless, the available information does

throw some light on the prevalence of gig

workers in the economy. We feel that though

this method is imperfect, this is a reasonably

robust direction of enquiry when limited by

data constraints.

Employment Datasets in India

Different employment datasets have

been used in India to understand the

changing contours of employment in the

Indian labour market. Broadly, the labour

statistics are collected, compiled, and

disseminated by several agencies in India.

The most prominent of them are that of

NSSO Employment and Unemployment

(EUS) datasets and recently the Periodic

Labour Force Survey datasets.

The main objective of the employment

and unemployment surveys conducted by

NSSO at periodic interval is to get estimates

of various labour force characteristics at

the national and State/UT level. Various

employment datasets include,

1-NSSO Employment and Unemploy-

ment Datasets (EUS) (1972-73 to 2011-12) –

These datasets are available in quinquen-

nial round basis from 1972-73 to 2011-12.

The employment information is available

as per Usual Principal Status, Usual Princi-

pal and Subsidiary Status, Current Week-

ly Status and Current Daily Status criteria.

These surveys also provide employment

estimates across different industry groups

and socioeconomic characteristics.

2-Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS)-

2017-18 to 2019-20 – One, unlike the

quinquennial EUS, the PLFS is conducted

annually in rural areas and quarterly in

urban areas.

Both the surveys are based on the stratified

random sampling procedure, but the

criterion for the second-stage stratum in

the EUS is based on the consumption

expenditure and/or livelihoods, whereas

for PLFS, it is based on levels of education

(Padhi and Motkuri, 2021).

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The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

In the PLFS, households in each of the

selected villages (the primary sampling

unit or PSU) were stratified into three

segments based on the presence of

educated household members.

There is also a revisit sample in the PLFS

survey for the urban area. Further, the

wage information related to self employed

workers has been provided in the PLFS

survey which is not available in the earlier

EUS surveys.

3-Labour Bureau Employment Sur-

vey-2009-10 to 2015-16 – Responding to

discontentment of NSSO EUS, the Labour

Bureau started conducting the yearly Em-

ployment and Unemployment survey. This

study has been discontinued.

4-Annual Survey of Industries – Yearly

Information only related to registered

manufacturing and industries, however

services are not included. But it provides a

detailed information related to registered

manufacturing in India.

5-CMIE Datasets (2016 to 2021) – The

Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy

(CMIE) is a private business information

organisation conducts survey on

employment and unemployment since

2016. The consumer pyramid survey covers

about 160000 households and 522000

individuals (Abraham and Shrivastava,

2019). It provides up-to-date information

on employment and unemployment in

India but uses different methodologies for

estimation of employment. Due to this, it

may not be strictly comparable to other

official estimates related to employment.

2.3. EMPLOYMENT, GDP, AND

EMPLOYMENT GROWTH IN

INDIA

2.3.1. Estimates for 2011-12 to

2019-20

The estimated employment during 2011-12

was 46.99 crores which increased to 51.1 crores

in 2019-20. Correspondingly the output also

increased from 87 lakh crores to 145 lakh

crores during the same period.

Table 1: Estimated Output and

Employment levels and growth 2011-12 to

2019-20



Employment

(in crores)

Output

(incrores)

Per worker

output

2011-12 46.99 8736328.71 185904.09

2017-18 45.50 13144582.14 288863.92

2018-19 46.75 14003316.25 299551.35

2019-20 51.10 14569267.87 285101.41

The employment growth during the period

was -0.54% per annum during 2011-12 to

2017-18. During the same period output

grew at 7.05% per annum exhibiting the

jobless growth trends. The period after 2017-

18 shows robust increase in employment, but

the output growth slowed down below 7%

during the period. The employment elasticity

during the period 2017-18 to 2019-20 was 1.13,

showing robust employment growth with

output growth, compared to the jobless

growth period of 2011-12 to 2017-18.

Table 2: Employment Growth and Elasticity

Growth rates

(annual)

Employ-

ment

Output

Employment

Elasticity

2011-12 to 2017-18 -0.54 7.05 -0.076

2017-18 to 2018-19 2.73 6.53 0.418

2018-19 to 2019-20 9.31 4.04 2.305

2017-18 to 2019-20 5.97 5.28 1.131

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The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

| 19

2.3.2. Projections for 2021-2030

Based on the employment growth pattern

during the period 2011-12 to 2019-20, the

employment growth and output growth

rates are projected for the period 2021 to

2030 as weighted average growth rate for the

period 2011-12 to 2019-20. Of course, this is an

approximation to assume that the economy

would grow in future at the same rate as in

the past.

Table 3: Projected GDP Growth,

Employment Growth for 2021 to 2030



Employment

Growth

GDP

growth

2011-12 to 2017-18 -0.535 7.046

2017-18 to 2019-20 5.972 5.280

2019-20 to 2024-25 1.092 3.692

2024-25 to 2029-30 1.092 7.000

Based on the projections the employment

growth may increase from 46.9 crores to 56.9

crores by 2030 while the GDP may increase

from INR 87 lakh crores in 2011-12 to INR 244

lakh crore by 2029-30.

Table 4: Projected GDP and Employment

Levels for 2021 to 2030



Employment

(Crores)

GDP

(Crores)

2011-12 46.99 8736329

2012-13 46.74 9213017

2013-14 46.49 9801370

2014-15 46.24 10527674

2015-16 46.00 11369493

2016-17 45.75 12308193

2017-18 45.50 13144582

2018-19 46.75 14003316

2019-20 51.10 14569268

2020-21 51.66 13512740

2021-22 52.22 14323504

2022-23 52.79 15254532

2023-24 53.37 16322349



Employment

(Crores)

GDP

(Crores)

2024-25 53.95 17464914

2025-26 54.54 18687458

2026-27 55.14 19995580

2027-28 55.74 21395271

2028-29 56.35 22892939

2029-30 56.96 24495445

2.4. ESTIMATE OF GIG

WORKERS

Using the methods described above, the

estimated size of gig workers in India was

about 68 lakh, using both principal and

subsidiary status. The total number of workers

increased from about 25 lakh in 2011-12 to 68

lakh in 2019-20. The number of gig workers

who spend the majority part of the reference

year as gig workers (Usual Principal Status)

were 24.5 lakh in 2011-12 which increased

to 67 lakh in 2019-20. Those that did such

work for a shorter period of the year (Usual

Subsidiary Status) increased from about

0.7 lakhs to 1.1 lakhs during 2011-12 to 2019-

20. As mentioned above, these are workers

that have gig worker like characteristics, with

a possible over-estimation as some of these

workers may not be engaged in gig work.

Table 5: Estimated Number of Gig Workers

in Lakhs



No.of Gig

workers

(UPS)

No.of Gig

workers

(USS)

No.of Gig

workers

(UPSS)

2011-12 24.5 0.7 25.2

2017-18 52.1 0.5 52.6

2018-19 53.4 0.5 53.9

2019-20 67.0 1.1 68.0

As per our estimates only a small fraction of

the total workforce is part of the gig workforce

as of now. Currently, about 1.33% of the total

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The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

workers (UPSS) are gig workers. In terms

of UPS workers it was 1.37% and subsidiary

status was only 0.49% of the subsidiary

workers. However, it can be seen that there

is a steady increase in the share of gig workers

in total workers, from 0.54% in 2011-12 to 1.33%

in 2019-20.

Table 6: Gig Workers as a Share of Total

Workforce 2011-12 to 2019-20

Share of

Gig workers

(UPS)

Share of

Gig workers

(USS)

Share of

Gig workers

(UPSS)

2011-12 0.57 0.18 0.54

2017-18 1.18 0.40 1.16

2018-19 1.18 0.28 1.15

2019-20 1.37 0.49 1.33

The increase in the share of gig workers

over the period is corroborated by the

difference in employment elasticity as well.

The employment elasticity to GDP growth

for gig workers was above one throughout

the period 2011-12 to 2019-20, and was always

above the overall employment elasticity.

During this period the employment growth

was nearly twice that of the GDP growth. The

higher employment elasticity for gig workers

also indicates the nature of economic growth,

which created greater demand for gig workers

while not generating commensurate demand

for non-gig workers. This nature of economic

growth points towards greater conversion of

non-gig work to that of gig-work.

Table 7: Gig Work Employment Elasticity

Gig work

Employ-

ment

growth

GDP

growth

Gig work

Elasticity

All

employ-

ment

elasticity

2011-12 to

2017-18

13.020 7.046 1.848 -0.076

2017-18 to

2019-20

13.750 5.280 2.604 1.131

Our estimates show that about 37.6% of

these workers are in the organised sector,

while the remaining are in the unorganised

sector. Organised sector is taken to be those

workers who work in firms with more than

ten employees as is currently the common

definition used. It can be seen that the share

of gig workers is largely concentrated in the

unorganised sector, about 62.4% of the total

gig workers in 2019-20. Yet the share of gig

workers in the organised sector is increasing,

implying that more of such workers are

now being part of larger firms. The share

increased from 26% in 2011-12 to 37.6% in

2019-20, correspondingly the share of the

unorganised sector declined. The future

course of development of gig work indicates

growth within the organised sector.

Table 8: Share of Gig Workers in the

Organised and Unorganised Sectors

% in

organised

sector

% in

unorganised

sector

Total

2011-12 25.9 74.1 100

2017-18 30.6 69.4 100

2018-19 35.7 64.3 100

2019-20 37.6 62.4 100

However, when the share of workers in the

organised sector increased substantially

during the period, the share of informal

workers remained more or less the same, or

even marginally increased. Based on previous

studies (Srivastava and Naik (2016) and

Srivastava et al. (2020)), informal workers are

defined as those workers who do not have

a written contract for at least a year and are

working in the non-agricultural sector. More

than 80% of such workers were in informal

labour relations. This share was at 83.7% in

2011-12 which declined to 81.8% in 2017-18,

but increased to 82.5% in 2019-20. Thus there

is persistence of informal work relations in

the sector. When we read this along with

the trends in the organised sector, it can be

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

| 21

seen informal work is now penetrating the

organised sector workforce through the gig

and platform modes of work. Informalisation

of the organised sector is recorded in previous

studies (Abraham and Sasikumar, 2017), but

these were mainly on account of contractual

employment rising within the organised

sector. But the trends above shows that apart

from contractual employment within the

organised sector, gig or task based forms of

employment is also adding to the informality

in the organised sector.

It is important to situate the above in the

larger context of India having more than

90% of its workforce in the unorganised,

informal economy traditionally, as well

(NCEUS, 2007; Ramana Murthy, 2019; The

Economic Survey 2018-19). As will be seen in

the forthcoming chapters of this report, the

trends of formalisation and organisation differ

by countries, and are highly contextualised.

Table 9: Gig Workers: Formal and Informal

Workers Share

 Formal Informal Total

2011-12 16.3 83.7 100

2017-18 18.2 81.8 100

2018-19 18.6 81.4 100

2019-20 17.5 82.5 100

In terms of industrial classification, about

26.6 lakh gig workers were involved in retail

trade and sales, and about 1.3 million were

in the transportation sector. About 6.2 lakhs

were in the manufacturing and another

6.3 lakhs in the finance and insurance

activities. It can also be seen that gig work

is expanding fast in almost all sectors. For

instance the retail sector saw an increase

of 15 lakh workers during 2011-12 to 2019-20,

transport sector 7.8lakhs, manufacturing – 3.9

lakhs. Similarly, in the education sector, the

expansion was from 66,000 to more than one

lakh by 2019-20.

Table 10: Industrial Classification of Gig Workers in Lakhs (2011-12 to 2019-20)

National Industrial Classification 2008

(NIC-2008)

2011-12 2017-18 2018-19 2019-20

Change

2011-12 to 19-20

Manufacturing 2.3 5.5 5.4 6.2 3.9

Electricity, gas, steam and air conditioning

supplies

0.2 0.4 0.4 0.2 0.1

Water supply; sewerage, waste management

and remediation activities

0.0 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3

Construction 0.3 1.2 1.4 2.1 1.8

Retail trade, except of motor vehicles and

motorcycles

10.6 19.2 21.7 26.5 15.9

Transportation and storage 5.2 11.0 9.4 13.0 7.8

Accommodation and Food service activities 1.4 3.2 2.8 4.0 2.7

Information and communication 1.6 4.2 4.2 5.0 3.4

Financial and insurance activities 2.4 4.1 4.8 6.3 3.9

Real estate activities 0.4 2.0 1.5 2.4 2.0

Administrative and support service activities 0.2 0.2 0.4 0.4 0.2

Other education Group 0.0 0.2 0.3 0.5 0.4

Educational support services 0.7 1.2 1.3 1.1 0.4

Total 25.2 52.6 53.9 68.0 42.8

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

22 |

The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

It can be noted that even as gig workers

are increasing in all the sectors highlighted

below, the sectoral concentration in highly

concentrated sectors is gradually declining

as well. For instance, the retail trade sector

accounted for nearly 42% of all gig workers

which declined to 39% by 2019-20. For the

transportation sector, the share declined from

20.7 % to 19.1% in 2019-20. The real estate sector

increased from 1.7% to 3.5% and construction

increased from 1.2% to 3.06% during the

Table 11: Industrial Classification of Gig Workers in Percentage Share (2011-12 to 2019-20)

National Industrial Classification 2008 (NIC-2008) 2011-12 2017-18 2018-19 2019-20

Manufacturing 9.09 10.50 10.03 9.17

Electricity, gas, steam and air conditioning supplies 0.69 0.67 0.73 0.33

Water supply; sewerage, waste management and

remediation activities

0.00

0.59 0.49

0.47

Construction 1.24 2.31 2.58 3.06

Retail trade, except of motor vehicles and motorcycles 41.97 36.48 40.30 38.95

Transportation and storage 20.69 20.86 17.40 19.18

Accommodation and Food service activities 5.49 6.05 5.20 5.94

Information and communication 6.43 7.91 7.74 7.39

Financial and insurance activities 9.32 7.78 8.98 9.21

Real estate activities 1.72 3.77 2.84 3.53

Administrative and support service activities 0.64 0.36 0.68 0.55

Other education Group 0.08 0.38 0.58 0.67

Educational support services 2.64 2.34 2.44 1.56

Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00

In terms of occupation in 2019-20, about

22 lakh workers were sales and marketing

persons, about 12 lakh were motor vehicle

drivers, about 6 lakh were secretaries and clerks,

about 5 lakh sales and finance associates,

and others. Between 2011-12 and 2019-20,

the largest addition in the gig economy was

shop sales and market sales persons which

increased by 12 lakh workers, followed by

drivers which increased by 8.5 lakh.

same period. The estimates thus show that

gig workers are growing in all sectors, and

the share of gig workers is also increasing

in sectors that were not initially having

gig workers. In terms of future projections,

growth and diversification of gig workers

across industries is a clear indication that gig

work would expand further and may be a key

form of employment in future, though it is

relatively small today.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

| 23

Table 12: Occupational Classification of Gig Workers in Numbers (2011-12 to 2019-20)

National Classification of Occupation-2004 2011-12 2017-18 2018-19 2019-20

Change

2011-12 to 19-20

Computing Professionals 0.4 1.8 2.2 2.7 2.3

Architects, Engineers and Related Professionals 0.5 1.0 1.6 1.7 1.2

Business Professionals 2.0 2.6 3.0 3.8 1.9

Computer Associate Professionals & Optical and

Electronic Equipment Operators

0.4 2.6 1.7 1.6 1.2

Finance and Sales Associate Professionals &

Business Services Agents and Trade Brokers

1.3 3.3 3.4 5.2 3.8

Secretaries and Keyboard Operating Clerks &

Numerical Clerks & Material Recording & Transport

Clerks

2.4 3.4 2.8 6.2 3.8

Cashiers, Tellers and Related Clerks & Client

Information Clerks

0.9 1.6 1.7 2.0 1.2

Travel Attendants, Guides and Related Workers 0.3 0.7 0.3 0.9 0.5

Housekeeping and Restaurant Services Workers &

Personal Care Workers

1.4 2.6 3.0 3.9 2.5

Shop Salespersons and Demonstrators & Stall and

Market Salespersons

9.9 18.9 22.0 22.8 12.9

Motor Vehicle Drivers 4.4 10.9 9.2 13.0 8.5

Street Vendors and Related Workers 0.8 1.5 1.7 2.6 1.8

Domestic and Related Helpers, Cleaners and

Launderers

0.6 1.4 1.0 1.7 1.1

Building Caretakers, Window and Related Cleaners 0.0 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1

Total 25.2 52.6 53.9 68.0 42.8

Two occupational segments namely, drivers

and sales persons, together accounted for

more than 52% of the gig workers in 2019-20.

During the earlier period 2011-12 to 2017-18 the

share of these two segments remained more

or less consistent at about 57%.

Table 13: Occupational Classification of Gig Workers in Shares (2011-12 to 2019-20)

National Classification of Occupation-2004 2011-12 2017-18 2018-19 2019-20

Computing Professionals 1.47 3.44 4.15 3.96

Architects, Engineers and Related Professionals 1.80 1.88 2.91 2.43

Business Professionals 7.84 5.00 5.53 5.63

Computer Associate Professionals & Optical and Electronic

Equipment Operators

1.46 4.92 3.16 2.33

Finance and Sales Associate Professionals & Business Services

Agents and Trade Brokers

5.34 6.31 6.32 7.60

Secretaries and Keyboard Operating Clerks & Numerical Clerks

& Material Recording & Transport Clerks

9.33 6.53 5.11 9.05

Cashiers, Tellers and Related Clerks & Client Information Clerks 3.46 2.97 3.18 3.01

Travel Attendants, Guides and Related Workers 1.32 1.27 0.57 1.27

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

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The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

National Classification of Occupation-2004 2011-12 2017-18 2018-19 2019-20

Housekeeping and Restaurant Services Workers & Personal

Care Workers

5.39 4.99 5.63 5.68

Shop Salespersons and Demonstrators & Stall and Market

Salespersons

39.31 35.98 40.80 33.53

Motor Vehicle Drivers 17.62 20.80 17.12 19.06

Street Vendors and Related Workers 3.29 2.78 3.19 3.86

Domestic and Related Helpers, Cleaners and Launderers 2.36 2.68 1.92 2.43

Building Caretakers, Window and Related Cleaners 0.00 0.44 0.41 0.17

Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00

2.5. PROJECTIONS FOR GIG

WORK IN INDIA

Based on the following projections, the gig

workforce is likely to expand from 68 lakhs (6.8

million) in 2019-20 and 77 lakhs (7.7 million) in

2020-21 to about 2.35 crores (23.5 million) by

2029-30. The gig workforce is expected to grow

from 2.6% of the non-agricultural workforce or

1.5% of the total workforce in 2020-21 to 6.7%

of the non-agricultural workforce or 4.1% of

the total livelihood in India by 2029-30.

Table 14: Projection for Gig Work using Employment Growth

Employment in Crores Percentage

Employment

Non-Agri-

Employment

Gig

Workers

% of Non

Agri to total

Employ

Gig to

total

Employ

Gig to

Non Agri.

2011-12 (actuals) 46.99 24.52 0.25 52.18 0.54 1.03

2017-18 (actuals) 45.50 26.38 0.53 57.98 1.16 1.99

2018-19 (actuals) 46.75 27.62 0.54 59.09 1.15 1.95

2019-20 (actuals) 51.10 28.79 0.68 56.34 1.33 2.36

2020-21 (projected) 51.66 29.37 0.77 56.86 1.49 2.62

2021-22 (projected) 52.22 29.97 0.87 57.39 1.67 2.91

2022-23 (projected) 52.79 30.58 0.99 57.93 1.87 3.23

2023-24 (projected) 53.37 31.20 1.12 58.47 2.09 3.58

2024-25 (projected) 53.95 31.84 1.27 59.01 2.34 3.97

2025-26 (projected) 54.54 32.49 1.43 59.56 2.63 4.41

2026-27 (projected) 55.14 33.15 1.62 60.12 2.94 4.89

2027-28 (projected) 55.74 33.82 1.84 60.68 3.29 5.42

2028-29 (projected) 56.35 34.51 2.08 61.25 3.69 6.02

2029-30 (projected) 56.96 35.21 2.35 61.82 4.13 6.68

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

| 25

At present about 47% of the gig work is in

medium skilled jobs, about 22% in high skilled

and about 31% in low skilled jobs. But the

trend shows the concentration of workers

in medium skills is gradually declining and

that of the low skilled and high skilled is

increasing. It may be expected that while

the domination of medium skills would

continue till 2030, gig work with other skills

will emerge. Possibly the share of high skilled

gig workers would increase from the present

level of 21.9% to about 27.5% by 2030 while

for the low skilled workers it may increase

to about 33.8% by 2030. In effect this trend

would imply that gig work will grow in size

and would become part of the livelihood

across sectors and occupations.

Table 15: Projections of % share of gigwork employment by skill category 2021-2030

 High skilled Medium skilled Low skilled Total

2011-12 (Actuals) 17.9 53.4 28.7 100

2019-20 (Actuals) 21.9 46.9 31.2 100

2020-21 (proj) 22.5 46.0 31.5 100

2024-25 (proj) 24.7 42.8 32.6 100

2029-30 (proj) 27.5 38.7 33.8 100

2.6. SUMMARY ON GIG

WORKER SIZE ESTIMATION

In the backdrop of a complete lack of data

on gig workers in India, we have attempted

to estimate the number of gig workers using

an indirect and novel method. The approach

is to identify proximate indicators that would

jointly have a high likelihood of identifying gig

workers. Using this approach we have traced

a few supply side and demand side factors

to estimate the number of gig workers. It

may be appropriate to name this estimate as

the estimate of “workers with gig worker-like

characteristics” rather than terming it as an

estimate of gig workers themselves.

Based on this method, we estimate that

there were around 68 lakh (6.8 million) gig

workers in India in 2019-20, constituting 2.4%

of the non-farm workforce or 1.3% of the total

livelihood in India. Of these workers, about

half are concentrated in two sectors, retail

trade and transportation. Also about half of

the workers are engaged in the occupations

of sales and driving. Both industrial and

occupational characteristics show that gig

work is expanding and diversifying into more

industries and more occupations. Though an

increasing share of gig workers are a part of

the organised sector – about 36% in 2019-20

– the overwhelming majority of gig workers

are informal workers (more than 82.5%). This

is unsurprising since over 90% of India’s

workforce is informal.

Based on our projections, we estimate that

India had around 77 lakh (7.7 million) gig

workers in 2020-21, forming 2.6% of the non-

agricultural workforce and 1.5% of the total

livelihood in India. Our projections further

show that gig work in India is likely to expand

in the future to touch about 2.35 crore (23.5

million) workers, accounting for about 6.7%

of the non-agricultural workforce and 4.1 %

of the total workforce by 2030. Additionally,

the estimates show that gig work, which is

concentrated in middle level skills currently,

is likely to diversify into both high skilled and

low skilled types of gig work in the future.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

26 |

The Gig Workforce in India: Estimates and Projections

2.7. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR

ESTIMATION

As discussed earlier, this estimation is an

indirect method to arrive at the number of

gig workers. Gig work is bound to expand due

to the technological possibilities in numerous

production spaces. At the same time, it also

provides the opportunity for workers to

transcend the limitations of work-time and

work-space. Given this potential of gig work,

the future would see a growing prominence

of such work. However, there exists no official

data that can authoritatively estimate the

extent of gig work in India, thereby rendering

the gig workforce invisible. This calls for

the following recommendations for future

estimations.

2.7.1. Undertake a Separate Enu-

meration Exercise

Ideally the national statistical system could

embark on estimating gig workers, and other

such workers who enter the workforce in

non-conventional labour relations. A separate

survey may be undertaken for estimation and

identifying the characteristic features of gig

workers.

2.7.2. Collect Information to Iden-

tify Gig Workers

Additionally, there could be a few probing

questions that explore further to identify gig

workers The Periodic Labour Force Survey,

for instance, could collect information on

the following aspects that could identify gig

workers.

a. One of the primary characteristics of

gig workers is the freelance nature of

work. The work is task based. To identify

workers of this nature a set of questions

regarding the nature of work contract can

give us insights on this. For instance, the

nature of contract can be enumerated as

the following.

i. Task based contract

ii. Contract as partner

iii. Job Contract

iv. No contract

b. Another characteristic of gig workers is

the use of technology. Questions of the

following type may help in exploring this

dimension.

i. Use of Information Technology in

work

ii. Use of ICT as an aid to identify tasks

(app-based, software-based work

allotment)

iii. Conducting ICT-enabled services

iv. Production of ICT goods and services

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

The digital has permeated all aspects of life,

entailing the platformization of the everyday

(Ramachandran, 2020). This could take many

shapes and forms such as digital platforms

that connect buyers and sellers of groceries,

medicines, technology products and services,

as well as those that allow consumers to

access a ride in a cab or bike, home cleaning

services, professional beauty and wellness

services, and much more. Individuals can now

easily use their skill sets and earn a livelihood

online.

Technology Diffusion

and Democratisation

of Jobs

The consequent digitalisation/ platformization

of work has given rise to a new classification of

labour – platform labour – different from the

traditional dichotomy of formal and informal

labour. Platform labour has emerged and

grown over the last decade thanks to the

ubiquity of smartphones and mobile data.

Since the entry barriers to such work are low,

platforms hold enormous potential to unlock

millions of jobs in India (BCG and Michael &

Susan Dell Foundation, 2021; Ramachandran

& Raman, 2021; IBEF, 2021; ASSOCHAM &

Primus Partners, 2021).

28 |

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

| 29

3.1. CONTOURS OF THE

PLATFORM ECONOMY

The contemporary labour market has

witnessed the emergence of two new

categories of work, gig and platform work,

respectively. To understand what each form

of work entails, how they might be different

from each other and from other forms of

work, and what the new categories mean for

the Indian economy, we turn to India’s labour

reforms of the 2020s.

The Government of India enacted the Code

on Social Security (CoSS) 2020, granting

legitimacy to the new form of work and

paving the way for comprehensive reforms.

CoSS 2020 defines a gig worker as “a person

who performs work or participates in a work

arrangement and earns from such activities

outside of traditional employer-employee

relationship”. Further, a platform worker is

recognised as a type of gig worker, in that

they are “a person engaged in or undertaking

platform work, while platform work is ‘a work

arrangement outside of a traditional employer

employee relationship in which organisations

or individuals use an online platform to

access other organisations or individuals to

solve specific problems or to provide specific

services or any such other activities which

may be notified by the Central Government,

in exchange for payment” (Ministry of Labour

and Employment, 2020a).

Marking a distinction between platform

workers and unorganised, informal workers,

the CoSS 2020 further recognises platform

workers as a step up from the latter.

Platform workers enjoy flexibility and choice

of labour, ability to hold multiple jobs,

guaranteed payments, augmentation of

assets, heightened earnings etc. In a platform

economy, individuals merely armed with an

internet-enabled smartphone and an asset

– such as the tangible vehicle (motorised or

even non-motorised) or the intangible skill of

cooking or plumbing – can monetise their

assets at will, to become platform workers

(Sundararajan, 2016; Raman & Kulkarni, 2021).

The platform economy comprises digital

intermediaries or aggregators that offer

innovative solutions through solving

inefficiencies in a system, thereby improving

productivity. A mobility aggregator platform,

for instance, efficiently bridges the gap

between supply and demand, creating

economies of scale. Hence, it increases the

earnings of its driver-partners, while providing

affordable mobility solutions to consumers. In

the larger picture, digital platforms increase

economic output and have a tremendous

positive impact on the labour market. This

ever-expanding platform economy has

demonstrated resilience, reinforcing the role

of such workers, especially in the times of

the Covid-19 pandemic, when several other

sectors of the economy were adversely

impacted (ILO, 2021; IWWAGE 2020; Raman,

Ramachandran & Sasikumar, 2021).

3.2. LIVELIHOOD CREATION

THROUGH PLATFORM

WORK

Offering innovative solutions in different

sectors, such as passenger mobility and

hyperlocal delivery, retail, and personal and

home care, platforms can create livelihood

opportunities for any willing individual, be it

students, home makers, store owners or even

those already engaged in the informal sector.

With access to internet-enabled smartphones

and a monetisable tangible or intangible

asset, any individual can turn into a platform

worker. Such low entry barriers, along with

the flexibility to hold multiple jobs, grant the

platform economy an immense potential

to leverage India’s demographic dividend –

more than 400 million millennials (Morgan

Stanley, 2017).

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

30 |

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

Platforms generate self-employment and

space to improve or augment one’s income.

This flexibility and choice, being the core

characteristic of platform work, makes it

attractive for the masses. Consider the case

of two-wheelers in India. India is the world’s

largest two-wheeler market, with the small

form factor emerging as the engine of growth

for the booming hyperlocal economy in recent

years. Sharing of assets such as scooters or

motorbikes (in the form of bike taxis or bike

pool) unlocks remunerative opportunities in

the millions while also providing first- and

last-mile connectivity to public transit, and an

affordable form of daily commute for the public

at large. A 2020 study estimates that bike-

taxi in India has the potential to create over 2

million livelihood opportunities and a revenue

of USD 4-5 billion (Raman, 2020). Likewise, over

the long term, the number of gig jobs in India

could reach 90 million, with total transactions

valued at more than $250 billion (BCG and

Michael & Susan Dell Foundation, 2021).

No wonder, India is a fertile ground for

platform jobs. Between 2010 and 2018,

mobility aggregators – Ola and Uber – alone

are reported to have unlocked 2.2 million

livelihood opportunities in the country

(Pradhan, 2019). These included driving

jobs using taxi-cabs, auto-rickshaws, and

the ubiquitous two-wheelers (scooters and

motorbikes) as taxis. By early 2020, Ola bike-

taxi service was operational in 200 cities

in India and engaging over 300,000 bike

partners. Another bike-taxi company, Rapido,

was present in over 90 cities as of March 2020,

with 500,000 driver-partners catering to 10

million customers (Raman, 2020). Dunzo, the

fast-growing on-demand quick commerce

platform, used to engage 18,000 active delivery

partners including cyclists in late 2019 (Apurva,

2019), and has reported a 40-times growth in

the period 2019-‘21, fuelled by the pandemic-

induced surge in demand for convenience

and availability of platform labour (Akolawala,

2021; BusinessWire, 2021). Such accelerated

growth appears to be the cornerstone of

platform businesses across sectors, including

the restaurant aggregation, and food delivery

domains as well. Zomato, for instance, reported

earning INR 2,604 crores in the financial year

2019-‘20, signifying a 5.5-times growth from

2017-‘18. The platform witnessed 10.7 million

active customers ordering food every month

from 131,233 active restaurants, and served

by 161,637 active delivery partners (Alawadhi

& Abrar, 2021). Similarly, the platform Swiggy,

which has diversified its business to include

grocery delivery and package transfers in

addition to food delivery, reported engaging

150,000 delivery partners as of June 2021

(PTI, 2021). Notwithstanding the small- and

medium-sized platforms offering passenger

mobility and delivery services across India, the

aforementioned major platform businesses

in the said domain alone engage 3,329,637

workers, i.e. over 3.3 million workers (Raman,

Ramachandran, Sasikumar, 2021).

Notably, this workforce of 3.3 million platform

workers in the digitalised passenger mobility

and hyperlocal delivery services, with the

potential to grow in the years to come, is higher

than the 1.254 million employees engaged by

the Indian Railways, India’s largest and the

world’s eighth-largest employer (Ministry of

Railways, 2020), and the 500,000 headcount

of the Tata Consultancy Services, India’s largest

private-sector employer (ET Bureau, 2021).

As has been estimated in Chapter 2, in 2019-

20, India had around 68 lakh (6.8 million) gig

workers – of whom platform workers are a

subset – in 2019-20, forming 2.4% of the non-

farm workforce or 1.3% of the total livelihood

in the country. It is projected that in 2020-21,

77 lakh (7.7 million) workers were engaged in

the gig economy. They constituted 2.6% of the

non-agricultural workforce or 1.5% of the total

workforce in India. Our projections further show

that gig work is likely to expand in the future

to touch about 2.35crore (23.5million) workers,

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

| 31

6.7% of the non-agricultural workforce or 4.1%

of the total livelihood in India by 2029-30. In

effect, this trend would imply that gig work

will grow in size and would become part of

the livelihood across sectors and occupations.

3.3. EVOLUTION OF PLATFORM

JOBS

Widespread access to the internet through

affordable data and devices has contributed

to the proliferation of platform-based services

across the world. Platforms also display a

great deal of interoperability, integrating

multiple services for an end-to-end user

experience, but also in the process, creating

as many more employment opportunities

from their single app. For instance, Grab, the

popular platform present in Southeast Asia,

offers multiple mobility options (car, bike,

scooter), food, groceries, last mile logistics,

hotels, entertainment, and a mobile wallet

and insurance service, all in one app (Grab,

2020). Through this they serve drivers,

merchants and enterprises in their local area

of operations. Other forms of cross-platform

collaborations and interoperability are seen in

instances such as a Swiggy delivery person in

India using a shared Bounce bike to complete

orders, eliminating the need for asset

ownership thanks to the deep entrenchment

of the digital economy.

By their very nature, platforms have a wide

reach and nearly no entry barriers for their

workers (referred to as partners

). Jobs in the

digital age vary by country. In some countries,

particularly the more industrialised ones,

digital platform solutions emerged in the

wake of an economic downturn leading to

the eventual informalisation of jobs (Morozov,

2018). In developing countries like India, the

11 Partners are independent contractors associated

with a technology platform where they offer/

advertise their services so that end users (citizens)

can ﬁnd them.

phenomenon has been carefully crafted to

solve inefficiencies in the system. This is done

so by plugging in a tech tool to streamline

the process with an algorithmic coherence,

benefiting service providers and end-users

alike.

While many differences exist between

countries and regions when it comes to the

genesis of platform labour, there is a shared

story of tech-induced efficiency and its rapid

adoption. While in the North American cities,

it was the desire to summon a cab at the press

of a button rather than waiting in long queues

at public transit hubs, in emerging economies

like Indian cities, it was the dual need to

enhance the efficiency of Intermediate Public

Transit (IPT) options (forthcoming by Ola

Mobility Institute & CUTS International, 2022) to

increase accessibility to mass transit as well as

to create millions of job opportunities in urban

mobility (Randolph, Galperin & Khan, 2019).

Matrix 1: Types of Digital Livelihood, and

Where Platform Work Falls

Type &

Experience

of work

Global Reach Local Reach

Sales

Websites that

advertise and

sell handmade/

artisanal goods

etc.

e-commerce

platforms that

host home-

grown labels and

brands

Lower

complexity;

on-demand

services

Online microw-

ork platforms

like data entry,

survey adminis-

tration etc.

Location-based

platform services

like passenger

mobility, food

delivery

Higher

complexity;

scheduled

services

Online

freelancing

consultations

like design,

copy-editing,

creative, legal

and compliance

advisory

Location-based

stafﬁng platforms

that require

on-site presence

like home

improvement,

wellness, logistics

Source: Adapted from World Economic Forum, 2020;

Caribou Digital 2020, ILO 2021, Ramachandran &

Raman, 2021

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

32 |

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

Matrix 1 shows a broad classification of

platform work based on locationality and

the skill spectrum that the workers inhabit.

This is a lucid classification of platform-based

work around the world and illustrates the

level of complexity of tasks and the mode of

work being done. In much of the developing

world, the type of work described under

“online microtasking” found rapid uptake as

well as mass adoption. India is one of the

early adopters of information labour

, due to

massive outsourcing from capital-intensive

countries. Indian workers, as well as those

from the Philippines or parts of Africa, are

no strangers to piecemeal IT-based tasks,

undertaken in a freelance fashion or on a

contract with an incorporated KPO (Graham,

Hjorth & Lehdonvirta, 2017; Graham et al, 2017).

While online freelancing has gained popularity

in recent years, platform companies that

have the highest visibility and the most

direct impact on city life are those that fall

under location-based staffing & services.

These services involve many e-commerce

companies that provide livelihoods to millions

of individuals, who in turn, serve several

millions more by delivering goods, assisting

in household tasks or by providing mobility

services (Ramachandran & Raman, 2021).

BRICS & the Gig-Platform

Economy

Issue Paper on “Gig and Platform Work-

ers: Role in Labour Markets” Prepared for

the BRICS EmploymentWorking Group

under the Indian Presidency April 2021

The issue paper provides an overview of

platform work in the BRICS countries.

12 Labour provided by ‘knowledge workers’, i.e.

employees of Business Process and Knowledge

Process Outsourcing of the early 2000s

It presents estimates of the number of

platforms in the BRICs countries, the

funding or investments in these platforms

and revenue generated by them over

the past decade. The issue paper also

examines opportunities and challenges

related to platform workers and regulatory

steps initiated by the BRICS countries to

protect the platform workers.

 In BRICS countries, the number of

platforms has grown from 19 to 127 in

the past decade, and represents 16%

of the platforms operating around

the world in 2021.

 Within the BRICS countries, the

concentration of the number of

platforms is the highest in India (49%),

followed by Brazil (20%), China (16%),

Russia (12%) and South Africa (4%).

 Across sectors, the number of

platforms in the delivery sector is the

highest (80), followed by online web-

based platforms (30), taxi sector (15)

and there are 2 hybrid platforms in

BRICS countries, which provide varied

types of services.

 The global distribution of investments

in digital labour platforms is skewed,

with 96% of the investments

concentrated in Asia (US$57 billion),

North America (US$46 billion) and

Europe (US$12 billion) compared to

4% going to Latin America, Africa and

the Arab States (Figure 2a).

 In comparison, the investments to

the BRICS countries comprises about

32% of the global investments (US$39

billion), from which 73% (US$29 billion)

are concentrated in China, followed by

21% (US$8 billion) in India, while the

share in other BRICS countries is less

than 5% .

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

| 33

 Digital technologies have also led to

new outsourcing models through

digital labour platforms with a large

proportion of work originating from

countries in the Global North like

Australia, Canada, Germany, New

Zealand, the United Kingdom and the

United States is performed by workers

in developing countries, particularly

from India, which accounts for almost

20% of the total market, followed by

the Philippines and Ukraine.

 The BRICS countries constitute

about 45% of the world’s workforce

and there has been a huge surge

in demand for platform activities in

these countries.

 The principal advantages to working

on digital labour platforms, especially

online web-based platforms, are

the flexibility it provides to workers

to choose the place and time to

work, which is quite beneficial for

workers with disabilities or care

responsibilities.

 Platforms also have the potential

to allow women to enter male

dominated sectors. For instance, in

India, platforms such as Ola and Uber

specifically assist the on-boarding of

women as driver-partners in their

service.

 Working conditions on digital

platforms are largely regulated by the

tend to characterise the contractual

relationship between the platform

owner and worker as other than one

of employment. As a result, platform

workers cannot access many of

the workplace protections and

entitlements.

 Growth of business and in labour

platforms has to be balanced with

ensuring workers’ well-being along

with decent working conditions and

earnings through coherent, consistent

and coordinated international effort.

BRICS LABOUR AND

EMPLOYMENT MINISTERS’

DECLARATION

July, 2021

New Delhi

The BRICS Labour and Employment

Ministers’ Declaration under Indian

Presidency focuses on four key pillars

of labour and employment policies:

Promoting Social Security Agreements

amongst BRICS Nations; Formalisation of

Labour Markers ; Participation of Women

in the Labour Force; and Gig and Platform

Workers: Role in the Labour Market.

In order to achieve progress in concluding

social security agreements, the declaration

takes into account the International Labour

Organization’s (ILO) labour standards

which provide guidance on decent labour

migration conditions.

“Building on previous Declarations of BRICS

Summits and Labour and Employment

Ministers’ Meetings (LEMM), the

Conclusions of the Recurrent Discussion on

Social Protection (Social Security) adopted

by the International Labour Conference in

2021 and with the support of ILO and ISSA,

we are committed to deepening social

security cooperation among our countries.

We resolve to carry out exchange of

information among BRICS countries on

employment and social security for cross-

border labour flows and initiate social

security agreements between BRICS

nations with a reasonable timeframe.”

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

34 |

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

Recommendations of the Labour &

Employment Ministers Declaration

in the context of Gig and Platform

Workers

 Digital labour platforms are a

distinctive part of the digital

economy. These platforms have

created unprecedented opportunities

for businesses, society and workers,

but at the same time, presented

challenges relating to working

conditions, social protection, the

regularity of work and incomes.

 We reaffirm our commitment

to support the development of

the digital economy, including

digital delivery of services, while

acknowledging the role of digital

platforms in providing resilience to

national economies in the face of

crisis such as Covid-19.

 We acknowledge the positive impact

of digital platforms in facilitation of

job creation, entrepreneurship and

development of micro and small

businesses, and in providing livelihood

opportunities for disadvantaged

groups, including women, and

Persons with Disabilities (PwDs).

 We will strive to leverage the

opportunities and overcome the

challenges emerging from the rise

of digital labour platforms, to ensure

sustainable enterprise development

and decent work for all, and to work

towards achievement of the United

Nations Sustainable Development

Goals.

Ministry of Labour & Employment, Government of

India

3.4. CHALLENGES FOR

WORKERS IN THE GIG &

PLATFORM SECTOR

Before large-scale evidence on the challenges

faced by workers in the gig and platform

sector in India is presented, it is important

to note the different criticisms the platform

economy is facing globally.

One issue often highlighted by studies

primarily on platformization of mobility around

the world is the algorithmic control of platform

labour by digital platforms. Notwithstanding

the improvements to efficiencies algorithms

engender, platform algorithms have come

under critical review for compromising quality

of work, and dignity of labour. Platforms

are criticised for having opaque algorithms,

imposing excessive control over their

workers through “ratings-based reputation

systems”, assigning “disproportionate power”

to customers over workers, and causing

significant risk to workers who are unfairly

penalised based on customer feedback. On

the one hand, algorithmic management

raises the larger debate on privacy, data

protection, and cybersecurity. On the other,

the opacity of algorithms spotlights the power

asymmetry or imbalances between platforms

and platform workers. Studies have pointed to

the weakening of the platform worker agency

due to such algorithmic management and

power imbalances, giving rise to emotional

labour of platform workers and biases.

Emotional labour pertains to the worker

socialising with the customer, stemming

from the need to appease a customer with

the objective of securing a high rating. The

current approach by platforms is criticised

for bringing bias in ratings, and distorting

worker rights. Platforms are also censured

for classifying or rather misclassifying workers

as independent contractors, thereby denying

them of their due access to social security

benefits or their entitlement of collective

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

| 35

bargaining. Informalisation of the economy,

and precariousness of work are growing

concerns in the world of platforms. Long

hours on the platforms, decreasing incentives

and low earnings, and the reproduction of

exploitative work practices and structural

inequities of the unorganised-informal

economy within the platform economy are

other red flags raised globally (Sehrawat et

al., 2021; Davidov, 2016; Slee (2016); Ahmed et

al, 2016; Stefano, 2016, Fan, et al, 2020; Glöss,

McGregor & Brown, 2016; Hanrahan et al,

2015; Hodges, 2020; Fairwork India, 2021; Isaac,

2014; Kasera & Bidwell, 2016; Kittur et al, 2013;

Kumar, Jafarinaimi & Morshed, 2018; Lee et al,

2015; Lustig et al, 2020; Ma et al, 2018; Martin

et al, 2014; Means & Seiner, 2015; Purdy, 2017;

Raval & Dourish, 2016; Rogers, 2015; Rosenblat

& Stark, 2016; Shapiro, 2018; Srija & Shirke, 2014;

Wilson, 2015; Rest of World, 2021; ISST, n.d.).

3.4.1. Challenges faced by Gig &

Platform Workers: India

Issues of Accessibility

Even though the gig economy, with the

wide variety of employment options it offers,

is accessible to all those who are willing to

engage in such employment, access to

internet services and digital technology can

be a restrictive factor. This is particularly true

for those residing in rural and remote areas.

This has made the gig economy, largely an

urban phenomenon (IWWAGE 2020). This

also implies that platforms that require in-

person services may be accessible more to

urban men and women or to those rural men

and women who are either willing to migrate

or to commute from their rural residence to

a town or a city on a regular basis.

Job and Income Insecurity

As in other parts of the world, platform

workers in India are predominantly paid

a piece rate (i.e.per task), are typically

classified by the platforms as “independent

contractors,” or as “driver/delivery partners.”

As a result, workers do not benefit from

labour regulations pertaining to wages, hours,

working conditions, and the right to collective

bargaining (Fairwork 2020). Fairwork Report

2021 points out that a prominent issue with

work on digital platforms is employment

status, as most workers are not classified as

employees with income security and social

protection. As a result of such classification,

many lack labour and income security, and

work based identity.

Occupational Safety and Health Risks

Studies have reported that workers engaged

in employment with the digital platforms,

particularly, women workers in the app-

based taxi and delivery sectors, face various

occupational safety and health risks. ILO global

surveys on freelance platforms reveal that

workers in the app-based taxi and delivery

sectors, particularly women, also face several

occupational safety and health risks. About

83 per cent of workers engaged in the app-

based taxi sector and 89 per cent in the app-

based delivery sector reported having safety

concerns about their work, often relating to

road safety, theft and physical assault. In the

app-based delivery sector, a particularly high

proportion of respondents from India, Mexico

and Morocco (predominantly male, as few

women are present in the sector in these

countries) reported facing discrimination or

harassment (ILO 2021).

Skills Mismatch

Varying degrees of vertical and horizontal

skills mismatch can be observed on online

web-based platforms. According to ILO

surveys, workers with higher educational

achievements are not necessarily finding

work commensurate with their skills.

Many respondents on online web-based

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

36 |

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

platforms reported that they have more skills

than demanded for the tasks, with small

differences by sex. The skills mismatch is quite

pronounced for those engaged on microtask

platforms, where many (57 per cent) have a

university degree, of whom a majority have

a specialization in STEM (science, technology,

engineering and medicine), but undertake

tasks such as responding to surveys and

experiments, content access, data collection

and so on, which tend to require few or

no specific skills. On freelance platforms, a

sizeable proportion of respondents (29 per

cent) reported that they had more skills

than were demanded for the task. A higher

proportion of women (68 per cent) than men

(59 per cent) reported that their skills were a

good match. On competitive programming

platforms, an overwhelming majority of

respondents (77 per cent) reported that

their skills were adequate for doing well on

the platform. The need for more technical

training was prominent among respondents

on web-based platforms in China (54 per

cent) and Ukraine (33 per cent). Horizontal

skills mismatch was particularly prevalent in

developing countries (ILO 2021).

ILO surveys also found that a sizeable

proportion of workers engaged in the app-

based taxi and delivery sectors have high

educational levels, including women and

young people. Even though these sectors are

often considered to be low-skilled, 24 and 21

per cent of app-based taxi drivers and delivery

workers respectively are highly educated.

These proportions are lower in the traditional

sectors. In countries such as Chile and India, a

considerably higher proportion of app-based

taxi drivers and delivery workers were found

to be highly educated compared to those in

the traditional sectors. Even though fewer

women engage in the app-based taxi and

delivery sectors, a higher proportion of them

were found to be highly educated (42 and 29

per cent respectively) compared to men (24

and 20 per cent respectively). Younger app-

based taxi drivers and delivery workers (18

– 24 years) were highly educated (24 and 17

per cent respectively) compared to workers

in the traditional sectors (12 and 4 per cent

respectively). This reflects the challenges in

the context of youth employment, where

young people often find themselves engaged

in poor employment opportunities while

looking for possibilities to earn an income

(ILO WESO 2021). Skills mismatch then, also

appears to be an issue that may need to be

addressed, also from the gender perspective,

in the gig and platforms sector.

Challenges faced due to Terms of Contract,

Weak Collectivization

Working conditions on digital platforms are

largely regulated by the terms of service

agreements. They tend to characterize

the contractual relationship between the

platform owner and worker as other than one

of employment. Platform workers are termed

as “independent contractors”. As a result,

platform workers cannot access many of

the workplace protections and entitlements

(ILO2018b).

The organisation of work through digital

platforms where workers seldom meet or

get together makes it difficult for them to

form associations for collective bargaining

(De Stefano 2015, Graham & Woodcock, 2018).

Fairwork India Report notes that despite the

rise in gig worker collectivisation in India,

none of the platforms studied expressed a

willingness to recognise a collective body of

workers (Fairwork 2021). Weak collectivization

constrains the ability of workers to negotiate

with the platforms to settle disputes and

redress grievances.

A 2021 qualitative investigation of the impact

of a ride hailing platform on its drivers in India

is revealing. This study frames itself in the

Indian context, and rightfully so – noting that

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

| 37

India’s transport and infrastructural conditions

vary significantly from the global North. The

study finds that drivers from the largely

traditional taxi and informal labour sectors

have been transitioning to platform-based

driving, motivated by flexibility of labour and

opportunity to augment incomes, hitherto

unavailable in their former employment

(Sehrawat et al, 2021). The study also posits

that platformization ushers employment and

wage stability despite the lack of employee

status (ibid). Lastly, the study – employing a

human-computer interface (HCI) approach,

finds that ride-hailing platforms can be

conceptualised as shaping and being shaped

by driver’s agency in their everyday work (ibid).

3.5. EXPANDING PLATFORM

EFFICIENCY ACROSS THE

ECONOMY

The platform economy has tremendous

potential to unlock jobs in the millions while

leveraging technology and innovation to drive

social and financial inclusion.

This is true around the world. In the US

for instance, the gig economy is found to

serve as an income supplement and as

insurance against entrepreneurial-related

income volatility (Barrios, Hochberg & Yi,

2020). The introduction of gig opportunities is

associated with an approximate 5% increase

in the number of new business registrations

in the local area, and a correspondingly-

sized increase in small business lending to

newly registered businesses (ibid). Studies

have further found that the increase in

entrepreneurial entry is larger in regions

with lower average income and higher credit

constraints, as well as in locations with higher

ex ante economic uncertainty regarding

future wage levels and wage growth (ibid).

Undoubtedly, there is a crucial need to

acknowledge the need for and platforms’ role

in promoting creative micro entrepreneurship:

asset ownership and financialisation are two

key components of this shift (Ramachandran,

Singh & Narain, 2021). Micro entrepreneurship

has long been the cornerstone of the Indian

economy, but productivity in this form of

work has often been the subject of much

debate and scrutiny, mainly because of

the fact that formal financial institutions

and systems of accounting have not made

their way to these small scale enterprises.

Through the platform economy, formal

credit can be accessed through a variety of

means including small ticket non-banking

lenders, as well as raising asset ownership

(such as a vehicle or real estate) for operation

through the platform (through a ride hailing

or renting service). This has the potential for

transforming the asset monetisation scope

of Indian households which remains highly

illiquid and pitifully inadequate to meet the

needs of a burgeoning youth population (RBI,

2017).

Thus, closer home in India, digitalisation of

work is also a moment of “formalisation” in the

largely informal Indian economy. Formalising

refers to (a) financial aspect of a business

such as paying tax or filing paperwork with

regularity, or (b) conditions of work and the

status of workers affiliated with said type of

business (Sehrawat et al, 2021). Using the

approach of measuring the proportion of

businesses of all sizes paying taxes and filing

returns, the October economic outlook from

the State Bank of India (2021) draws a direct

line between digitalisation and “formalisation”

through the emergence of the platform

economy and specifically, with the prevalence

of gig jobs. The estimate goes on to state that

the informal economy is possibly at 15-20% of

formal GDP, down from 52% in FY2018 (ibid).

While the connection between formalisation

and digitalisation is palpable, the line may not

be straight between formalisation and gig

work. Formalisation of jobs (not the economy)

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

38 |

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

entails the expansion of social security cover

for jobs, hence requiring a greater effort at

addressing the needs of workers at the level

of job security and work rewards.

The e-SHRAM portal set up to enumerate

workers of the unorganised sector, with

specific reference to the needs of the migrant

workers in sectors like construction and other

urban sectors, is a landmark effort. This will be

the largest such undertaking in the history of

India and has the potential to render a strong

data backend as the process is digitised

from the first step, relying on a network of

Common Service Centres (CSC) to assist

those workers that are not digitally adept to

enroll themselves. Regardless, this portal can

serve as the gateway to a number of targeted

interventions to deliver social security to the

masses. This, along with the developments

under the Code on Social Security (CoSS),

whereby different forms of work have been

recognised outside the traditional employer-

employee relationship (viz. gig work and

its sub-type, platform work), makes for the

comprehensive reform desired in this space

for many years now. See Chapters 6 and 7

for a deeper understanding of labour welfare

and governance in the 21

century.

Some of the practices in the platform

economy that can be emulated elsewhere for

the benefit of the wider economy cut across

themes of work access, payment transparency

and ease, as well as tech reliability in fulfilling

the services end to end. These are all pointers

that can be adapted as a playbook of sorts to

induce platform efficiency in operations and

jobs across the economy, and therefore merit

some detailed analysis, as given below.

3.5.1. Delineation of Job Role and

Professionalisation of Blue-

collar Work

The huge difference between platform-

mediated jobs and those in the wider

unorganised economy entails the definition

of the job itself; the driver-partner of a ride-

hailing service is strictly expected to run

a business of providing rides and is not

expected to perform any other allied services

like running errands on behalf of the client.

Similarly, an aesthetician providing services at

home has a pre-agreed list of jobs for which

she is prepared and her time is budgeted;

anything extra is reportable and payable as

extra work. This is a marked departure from

practices in the prevailing non-digitalised

economy (Sehrawat et al, 2021). The payment

shown upfront to the client is conditional on

the delivery of the requested services, and

service quality is hence standardised and

assured. To the worker, the payment is assured

and commensurate with the expected time

inputted, thereby increasing the efficiency

of time utilisation vis-à-vis the conventional

economy. This is a huge shift in work practices

and helps the wider professionalisation of

many roles in the services economy. Given

the ballooning of India’s services sector across

the skill spectrum, this is a desirable trend.

3.5.2. Low Entry Barriers, Non-dis-

crimination, and Democrati-

sation of Jobs

Social factors of caste, religion and gender

may have implications for workers’ access to

employment opportunities, particularly in the

unorganised sector in India. Social networks

play an important role in finding jobs, making

up the social capital that workers from rural

areas can leverage upon their migration to

cities. These networks help in settling into a

new place, assist in finding work, and even

propel one’s advancement in the city; Tarini

Bedi (2016) explores the relationship between

community, livelihoods and identity in more

detail, and establishes the inextricable link

between the migrant and the rural roots,

jobs and socio-economic groups and how

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

| 39

these livelihoods and incomes are often at

odds with the project of modernising Indian

cities. However, the experienced of jobs not

only makes jobs more accessible, it also helps

break the cyclical nexus of poor earnings

forcing more members of the same family

(and the same community/ regional origin)

taking up the same line of work to find some

source of income.

Due to their low-entry barriers and flexibility

and choice of labour, platforms catalyse

the heightened participation of women

and Persons with Disabilities (PwDs) in the

economy, as can be seen from evidence

presented in Chapter 5. Platform companies

have in place efficient mechanisms for skill

matching. To this end, platform companies

have also undertaken many skilling initiatives

in partnership with governments and

otherwise, contributing to democratisation

of jobs and increasing business opportunities

by using digital outreach modes (Pant, n.d.

& Mathur, 2019). The Code on Social Security

2020 has recognised this important shift

in the changing nature of work through

platformization.

3.5.3. Platform Services, Geo-

graphical Availability, and

Hinterlands Rejuvenation

Some 300 cities of varying sizes in India are

serviced by various platforms operating across

sectors like ride-hailing, home-based services,

food/ grocery/ medicine delivery, logistics

fulfilment and e-commerce, covering the

broad ambit of urban services, and making

mobility of workers and clients across markets

hassle-free. A plumber finding work in

Mumbai and Jaipur with the same ease is no

simple feat and is a different experience from

before the platforms took over such services;

similarly the same mobile app providing a

medicine delivery service across different

cities is a convenience that customers could

not have experienced in the past, which

would have required prior knowledge of the

cities and local connections that would point

in the right direction for their needs. This

discoverability of services, and hence work, is a

unique contribution of the platform economy

to the hinterlands rejuvenation project, as

it created livelihoods and better customer

experiences, regardless of city sizes, thereby

fulfilling broader development goals.

3.5.4. Technological Diffusion, Re-

liability and Network Effect

of Services

While urban services have always been in

demand, the unreliability and unassured

quality of services has always been a stickler

point for this sector. The technological

intervention in this space has contributed

to the uptick in demand, and hence the

earnings opportunities associated with it; this

is predicated on the unprecedented level of

skill matching and tech-based job allocation

fulfilled in real time by platforms, thereby

eliminating the inefficiencies in these sectors.

The sharp uptick in smartphone usage and

widespread availability of mobile internet

have certainly pushed the uptake of these

services. Therefore through a combination

of tech diffusion and ability to scale, these

services have also improved over time as the

algorithms get better at geographical, skill

and preferences matching. This has rendered

favourable outcomes for all. This network

effect, unlike the traditional nexus networks,

can expedite the growth of the urban services

sector and expand their scope. This translates

to higher earnings and income opportunities,

and better consumption indices at the

macroeconomic level.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

40 |

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

3.6. POLICY

RECOMMENDATIONS

The platform economy has changed the

nature of jobs, has disrupted traditional

notions of “employer” and “employee”, and

has introduced innovative, scalable ways to

achieve social and financial inclusion while

creating meaningful jobs that pay. Platform

work incorporates the regularity of formal

work, while assuring the flexibility of hours

and the certainty of good income to millions

of working families in India, thus meriting a

category of its own, and which has been duly

fulfilled by The Code on Social Security, 2020.

The fact that platform work in its current

format already offers the lowest entry barriers

and the highest hourly earning potential

compared to alternatives present in the

private sector – both formal and informal – is

noteworthy here.

Platform work has proven to be indispensable

to the functioning of cities, especially evident

during the lockdowns undertaken to fight

the transmission of Covid-19 (Raman &

Ramachandran, 2020b). The unique aspect

about online platforms is that they are asset-

light and operate off the dividends of a network

effect, implying that the services get better

with an increasing number of people signing

up to provide and receive them. This means

that there is ample room for workers to join

in the network, making platforms an engine

of job creation in the wider economy. Policy

should therefore encourage labour market

arrangements that facilitate innovation and

provide protection for workers, are efficient,

and promote sustainable, decent lives for

citizens. To this end, there are measures that

can be taken by the government.

A Platform India initiative built on the

pillars of Accelerating Platformization

by Simplification and Handholding,

Funding Support and Incentives, Skill

Development, and Social Financial

Inclusion may be started, like the

immensely successful Startup India

initiative.

3.6.1. Catalyse Platformization in

India

a. Platformization of all occupations and

industries must be catalysed.

i. As seen in Chapter 2, gig and

platform work is concentrated in as

many as 21 occupations

as listed

in the National Occupation for

2004 – ranging from professionals

in computers, architecture,

accounts and finance, etc. to motor

vehicle drivers

, travel attendants,

housekeeping workers, domestic

and related helpers, personal care

workers, street vendors, launderes,

cleaners, etc.

ii. Likewise, 15 industries – as enumer-

ated in the National Industrial

Classification – have the largest

concentration of platform work

or have the potential unlock

growth in gig and platform work.

13 See section 2.2.2

14 Today, any individual with access to a two-wheeler,

with or without a commercial permit, can deliver

packages, food, groceries, medicines etc., in the digital

hyperlocal economy. Such individuals are different

from the traditional motor vehicle drivers who drive

vehicles with commercial permits alone. Thus, many

of these traditional occupational categories need to

be expanded and/ or redeﬁned.

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Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

| 41

These industries range from

manufacturing, electricity, water

supply, construction, and retail

trade to transport and storage,

accommodation and food services,

information and communication,

financial and insurance services,

real estate, administration, other

education, educational support,

residential care, and repair of

computers and personal and

household goods.

iii. In the aforementioned occupations

and industries, it must be easy for

both business owners and individual

workers to enter the platform

economy, and grow and thrive in it.

1. For instance, the Prime Minister

Street Vendor AtmaNirbhar

Nidhi Yojana (PM SVANidhi

Scheme) provides credit

support and business revamp

for street vendors and small

food salespeople. Street vendors

are also being digitally upskilled

and onboarded to platforms

On the lines of this initiative, self-

employed individuals engaged

in the business of selling regional

and rural cuisine, street food etc.

may be linked to platforms so

that they can sell their produce

to wider markets in towns and

cities.

b. Promote entrepreneurship, and ensure

ease of starting and doing business in

the platform economy.

i. There is an urgent need to take a

light-touch regulatory approach to

governing and promoting platform

businesses in India. The multiplicity

of policies and rules and regulations

15 See more in Section 4.3.1. In Chapter 4

as seen today not only needs to

be simplified and streamlined,

but any licensing requirements

for aggregators too should be

reconsidered.

Regulatory Framework for

Platforms

Currently, e-commerce platforms and

online aggregators of goods and services

are registered first under the Companies

Act, 2013, and are regulated as technology

companies under the Information

Technology Act, 2000, under the Ministry

of Electronics and Information Technology.

Empowered by the Consumer Protection

Act, 2019, the Ministry of Consumer Affairs,

Food and Public Distribution notified the

Consumer Protection (E-Commerce) Rules

in 2020, thereby making online retailers

more accountable and their businesses

more transparent. The 2020 Rules were

amended in 2021. It is further expected

that the Department for Promotion of

Industry and Internal Trade (DPIIT) under

the Ministry of Commerce will release a

comprehensive draft e-commerce policy

in 2022, with the Ministry of Consumer

Affairs, Food and Public Distribution

simultaneously releasing its revised

e-commerce rules to protect consumer

interest. These revised versions of the

e-commerce policy and rules are expected

to spell out comprehensive guidelines for

all online transactions, covering all digital

commerce and service providers, including

marketplaces, ride-hailing companies,

ticketing and payment companies, etc.

Due to the cross-cutting nature of digital

businesses, e-commerce platforms and

online aggregators have to register under

a slew of laws in India. These range from

the ones listed above as well as the Income

Tax Act, 1961, Central and State Goods and

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Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

Services Tax (GST) Acts, and policies and

rules governing industries like hotel and

homestay, road transport – passenger and

goods transport, food, pharmaceutical

etc. The latter include the Motor Vehicles

Act and Rules issued by the Ministry of

Road Transport and Highways as well as

Aggregator policies and rules by each of

the State and UT governments, Digital

Information Security in Healthcare Act,

2018 (the DISHA Bill), etc., among others.

These policies and rules therefore regulate

not just the underlying businesses like

homestay and hotels, passenger mobility,

food delivery, etc. but also the platform

businesses that are aggregating them.

Thus, online aggregators of goods and

services are required to get suitable licences

in their respective industries. More often

than not, the licence fee is determined

by the size of the platform, and this is a

problem. Since, platform workers have

a transient identity switching from one

platform to another and moving in and

out of the platform economy to pursue

agriculture, education or employment

elsewhere. The licence also comes with

a validity of a mere one year. The current

policies and rules also regulate the

nature of engagement among platforms,

workers, and customers by determining

pricing of goods and services for instance,

applicability of dynamic pricing as well as

discounts and incentives, service charge to

be levied on every transaction, number of

hours a worker puts into the platform etc.

Many of these reduce the competitiveness

of said industries, with sub-par services

getting offered to consumers ultimately.

Some of these regulations are also hard to

comply with. For instance, platform workers

work simultaneously and sequentially on

multiple platforms, rendering it impossible

for platform businesses to track the total

hours of work put in by the worker,

and accordingly limit the business or

remunerative opportunities provided to

them. Safety and health of the worker,

therefore, needs to be governed differently.

Likewise, platform workers own their own

assets from smartphones to vehicles and

in some cases, equipment. Expecting

these to be energy efficient or zero-

emission etc. can only be encouraged by

the platforms. Platforms cannot directly

comply with such rules because they do

not own the assets (goods or services)

they aggregate. This raises the larger

question around what the aggregator is

actually liable for, and how the law of the

land perceives aggregator liability. Non-

compliance usually results in the licence

of the platform business getting revoked.

This leads to direct loss of livelihood of

affiliated workers.

ii. All these well-intentioned regula-

tions to protect the interests of

consumers, workers, and businesses,

adversely affect the (digital) sharing

economy in India promoted by

online aggregators. Such imposed

regulatory costs drive up the cost

of goods and services, and not to

forget the cost of job creation. It also

renders the business of aggregating

expensive, thereby preventing many

micro, small, and medium enterprises

from starting up or continuing their

platform business.

iii. It is essential to promote micro-

entrepreneurial opportunities as

well, in line with India’s vision

for an Atmanirbhar Bharat. All

stakeholders from central and state

governments, to urban local bodies,

and financiers, etc. should leverage

digital platforms to promote micro-

entrepreneurship and lay the road

to inclusive economic growth.

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Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

| 43

iv. The core advantage of the platform

economy is that platform businesses

are asset-light, and thus, platforms

of all sizes and shapes emerge. As

a result, India already witnesses the

booming of platform businesses

not just in the cities but in the

hinterlands as well. Minimum

compliance with maximum access

to finance, technology, know-how,

etc. would help create hundreds of

thousands of platform businesses all

across India.

c. Accelerate the platformization of the

mobility economy.

i. In the specific case of mobility

platforms, the government may

remove entry barriers and create a

level-playing field for all. Retain what

is core to the increasing popularity

of mobility platforms – the ability

of drivers to have flexible working

conditions and be an entrepreneur

in their own right.

ii. The central government (Ministry

of Road Transport and Highways

– MoRTH) has done away with the

requirement of commercial licences

to drive commercial vehicles (The

Hindu, 2018). In so doing, the

government effectively removed

the arbitrary one-year waiting period

in getting a commercial driving

licence, recognising that the waiting

period served little of the intended

purpose. Doing away with the need

for commercial licence would hugely

contribute to the initiation of women

and Persons with Disabilities (PwDs)

as drivers in the platform economy;

Women and PwDs can minimise

the waiting time between learning

and earning. The state governments

should, therefore, implement the no-

commercial licence rule uniformly

across the country.

iii. Ferrying of passengers for hire

may be permitted in all categories

ranging from two-wheelers (in the

form of bike taxis or bike-pool) and

three-wheelers (rickshaws, auto-

rickshaws), to four-wheelers (taxi-

cabs and carpool), and 10-12-seater

vehicles (mini-buses). While MoRTH

should issue guidelines on promoting

shared mobility, state governments

should notify the necessary rules

and regulations to legalise and

operationalise shared mobility, with

minimal barriers. The regulations

should focus on achieving the desired

and much-needed outcomes such as

(a)decongesting cities, (b) increasing

the usage of public transport by

using new-age shared mobility for

first- and last-mile connectivity, (c)

moving people away from private

vehicle ownership and usage, (d)

reducing pollution, and (e) improving

safety, accessibility, reliability and

affordability, all the while unlocking

millions of jobs for the masses.

Consider the case of bike taxis in India. Bike

taxis have the potential to become a highly

popular mode of commute and livelihood

choice, given how India is quintessentially

a two-wheeler country having 128 two-

wheelers per 1000 population, one in

two households owning a two-wheeler,

and over 80% of the automobiles sold

and 70% of the automobile registered

in India being two-wheelers (Raman,

2020; Ministry of Road Transport and

Highways, 2019). Bike taxis disincentivise

ownership and usage of private vehicles,

and incentivise the usage of public transit

by offering first and last-mile connectivity.

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Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

Accordingly, the Central Motor Vehicles

Act legalised bike taxis in 2004. The Motor

Vehicles (Amendment) Act, 2019 allows for

the aggregation of all vehicles including

bikes. In this backdrop, even though over

15 States

and Union Territories such as

Gujarat, Haryana, Punjab, West Bengal,

Mizoram, Telangana, Madhya Pradesh

etc. have allowed operation of bike taxis,

several key states including Maharashtra,

Delhi, Tamil Nadu, etc. are yet to notify

rules on this front (Raman, 2020). Since

2021, Karnataka, on its part, is permitting

the operation of electric bike taxis, but is

silent on conventional bike taxi operations.

iv. Removing operational restrictions

such as high permit fee, past

experience, requirement of CCTVs

in vehicles, conservative floor on the

age of the vehicle, etc. might help

in ensuring that the mobility-based

livelihoods are not prohibitively

expensive for India’s youth to access.

v. Encourage the widespread adoption

of hyperlocal deliveries using

two-wheelers. Central and state

governments should issue necessary

guidelines for the same while also

promoting both passenger mobility

and hyperlocal deliveries using

the same vehicle, in an integrated

fashion. Referred to as Mobility-as-

a-Service, integrated mobility of this

kind is gaining momentum the world

over, and is a sustainable avenue for

platform workers to augment their

earnings.

16 States and Union Territories that have legalised bike

taxis (in alphabetical order): Andhra Pradesh, Bihar,

Chandigarh, Goa, Gujarat, Haryana, Jharkhand,

Madhya Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Punjab,

Rajasthan, Telangana, Uttar Pradesh, and West

Bengal.

vi. Despite the All India Institute of

Medical Sciences certifying that

there exists little relationship

between hearing abilities and

driving a vehicle, the issuance of

licences to those hard of hearing

remains minimal (Ministry of Road

Transport and Highways, 2016).

Awareness creation and expansion of

licensing for Persons with Disabilities

(PwDs) is needed to increase their

employability.

vii. The government(s) may also create

supportive tax mechanisms to allow

platform drivers to report earnings

and be taxed fairly.

At present platform drivers have only

limited options to file Income Tax Returns

(ITR). For instance, under Section 44AD

presumptive income option (India.com

Business Desk, 2018), meant for those

running their own business. Recognising

platform workers as a separate worker

classification would thereby necessitate

their recognition under various ITR forms.

This would streamline the process of filing

taxes. Moreover, the central government

has recently revoked GST exemption on

app-based auto rides (TNIE, 2021). This

tax will lead to a rise in platform fares

and a corresponding drop in demand,

directly affecting the income of drivers.

Therefore, there is a need for supportive

tax mechanisms, designed to help the

platform economy grow.

d. Skilling, upskilling, and reskilling

programmes must all be aligned to

jobs of the 21

century, i.e. platform

jobs of today and tomorrow. See

detailed recommendations on Skilling

in Chapter 4.

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Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

| 45

3.6.2. Unlock Financial Support for

Platform Businesses

a. Venture capital funding, grants and

loans from banks and other funding

agencies should be provided to platform

businesses of all sizes at the pre-revenue

and early-revenue stages. The central

and state governments along with the

Small Industries Development Bank of

India (SIDBI) as well as other banks in

the country should play an active role.

The existing and upcoming network

of State and Central government-run

Entrepreneurship Development Cells,

Entrepreneur ship Development Cells

in academic institutions, etc. should

all actively provide financial support to

platform businesses. Emphasis must

be placed on providing collateral-free

working capital funding, grants, and

loans to entrepreneurs starting platform

businesses. The financial support offered

by such institutions would allow early-

stage platforms to prove their business

model, gradually become sustainable,

and also attract private investments.

i. Today, the Prime Minister Street Ven-

dor AtmaNirbhar Nidhi Yojana (PM

SVANidhi Scheme) provides credit

support and business revamp for

street vendors and small food sales-

people. Under the scheme, street

vendors are being digitally upskilled

and onboarded to platform busi-

nesses

. Such programmes should

be designed for all occupations that

have and are expected to have high

concentration of platform business-

es and workforce.

b. Special impetus should be offered to

platforms managed by women and

Persons with Disabilities (PwDs).

17 See Section 4.3.1 in Chapter 4.

c. Likewise, special emphasis should be

offered to platform businesses started in

small cities, towns, and villages in India.

3.6.3. Accelerate Financial Inclu-

sion of Platform Workers

Steps should be taken to enhance platform

workers’ access to institutional credit.

a. For India to be able to fully benefit from

the shifting paradigms of mobility and

the resulting mobility economy, it must

eliminate cost barriers to the means of

livelihood. A major need in this regard is

to expand access to credit and achieve

financial inclusion, by having formal

lenders, i.e. banks, transition from asset-

based lending to cash flow-based lending.

Thus, unsecured loans to first-time

borrowers participating in the platform

economy may be classified as Priority

Sector Lending (PSL). Such a measure

would strengthen India’s complementary

financial inclusion programmes such as

MUDRA, and mainstream formal lending

to individuals leveraging platforms to

earn a living.

b. Today, lenders may utilise data available

with platforms to profile workers and

estimate their creditworthiness. New-age

companies, banks and micro-finance

institutions (MFIs) may, thus, develop

innovative products including loans

for individuals with intermittent but

predictable income, or tools for running

freelancer businesses.

i. The government and platforms can

leverage FinTech and InsurTech

businesses to provide benefits

tailored to platform workers and

improve financial inclusion. A host

of such businesses have sprung up

in the last five years in India with the

mandate of financial inclusion by

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Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

providing micro-credit and micro-

insurance, such as Avail Finance,

Kosh or PerkFinance which operate

for the blue-collar market especially

(Singh, 2020a; Soni, 2019a). Such new-

age financial organisations enable

cash flow-based lending as against

asset-based lending to platform

workers. This new class of start-ups

has a market opportunity because

the existing traditional benefits

infrastructure is not currently set

up to meet the needs of individual

platform workers (Cannon, 2019).

As seen with businesses like Avail

Finance, such startups would

find it attractive to offer on an

aggregate basis, lower cost options

for healthcare, institutional credit,

insurance, and retirement savings

that individual platform workers

would not be able to access

themselves. Many platforms have

partnered with such players in order

to fulfill their workers’ credit needs.

The strategic partnership forged

between Ola and Avail Finance

is one such instance. Overall,

businesses that have optimised value

distribution in favour of marginalised

or underrepresented communities

may be further developed and scaled

through effective strategies. The

government can ease regulations

allowing the accelerated growth of

such financial businesses in India.

ii. NSDC can also facilitate

entrepreneurial loans to gig and

platform workers registered on the

Skill India Portal.

c. The platformization of everyday must go

hand-in-hand with the financialization

18 Inputs shared with NITI Aayog by MSDE (O.M. no.

MCRN-11/3/2022-O/0 JD (SNP) dated 26th May 2022

of everything. Formal credit access may

be provided to access a vehicular asset,

smartphone, and/ or to run the business

in the platform economy through design

of targeted programmes.

d. Additionally, a special emphasis must

be placed on access to formal credit for

women and Persons with Disabilities

(PwDs). Their access to microfinance has

increased over the years with initiatives

such as Micro Units Development &

Refinance Agency Limited (MUDRA).

Existing schemes like National Backward

Classes Finance & Development

Corporation’s Mahila Samriddhi Yojana

specifically target women. However,

these schemes are not enough. Civil

Society organisations, state, district

authorities, gram panchayats and local

financing institutions must work together

to mobilise and support women and

PwDs to gain access to credit, build their

own assets, which can subsequently be

monetised for livelihood creation through

platform work.

e. Therefore, in order to let the platform

economy – i.e. the economy of jobs

– really flourish, it is essential to also

enact policy reforms on the monetary

and fiscal fronts, such as access to

credit and finance for those associated

with platforms. This significant entry

barrier could be lifted once the norms

for lending are tweaked to fit micro-

entrepreneurs’ needs, as mentioned in

the latest stimulus package announced

by the Finance Minister, Government of

India (Government of India, 2020). The

state of Gujarat has already taken this a

step further and announced Atmanirbhar

Gujarat Sahay Yojna, through which loans

will be made available at 2% interest

rate to skilled workers and those falling

under the lower middle income category

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Technology Diffusion and Democratisation of Jobs

| 47

(Financial Express, 2020). Industry-

specific needs for each platform in terms

of market unlocks would also go a long

way in ensuring more work and better

services mediated through the platform.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Creating a Future-

Ready Labour

Force

India is the youngest country in the world,

with an average age of 29 years, and home

to a fifth of the world’s youth population

(Financial Express 2017, MEA 2021). Youth,

typically characterised as those between

ages of 15 and 24 years, make up a third of

our population (MoSPI, 2017) and therefore

have a strong role to play in the rebuilding

of the Indian economy. India has entered a 37

year-long demographic dividend, signalling

that its working age population has peaked

(Thakur, 2019). This bulge will last till 2055

and is an indicator of how there are far fewer

dependents than providers in the population.

This dividend, or the growth potential that

results from shifts in the nation’s age structure,

was the plank on which the Asian economies

and China based their phenomenal growth.

India’s digital future holds the promise to

leapfrog its economy to a 10 trillion dollar

one by 2030 (Bloomberg, 2019). The analyst

group Morgan Stanley predicted in their 2017

research that demographics, reforms and

globalisation contributed to the first phase of

growth, but digitalisation of financial services

and comprehensive fiscal and monetary

reforms can together propel this position

(Morgan Stanley, 2017). Combined with the

promise of the digital and the force of a young

population, India stands to gain much in the

developmental path of the next decade.

48 |

Creating a Future-Ready Labour Force

| 49

4.1. THE PRESENT TRAINING

ECOSYSTEM AND RECENT

POLICY INITIATIVES

India has made significant strides in secondary

education outcomes and more Indians are

attending college at unprecedented levels.

The Indian Higher Education system is the

third largest in the world next only to the US

and China

. The sector has seen phenomenal

growth. In the last decade alone, the overall

Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) increased from

15% in 2009-10 to 26.3% in 2018-19. The number

of students enrolled has increased from 20

million to 37 million (an increase of 85%) in

the same period. The number of universities

and colleges has increased by 127% and 54%

respectively to 993 Universities and 39,931

colleges in the last decade (AISHE 2019).

In order to productively employ the large

proportion of youth, skill training initiatives

have also been a priority for the Government.

The first National Policy on Skill Development

was notified in 2009. The shifts in the skilling

ecosystem and the experience gained

through implementation of various skill

development programmes in the country,

led to an imminent need to revisit the 2009

policy (PIB 2020). The new National Policy on

Skill Development and Entrepreneurship was,

thus, notified on July 15, 2015 to replace the

2009 policy. While addressing the numerous

shifts in the ecosystem, the 2015 policy made

a pertinent observation on the poor regard for

skilling in India back in 2015 among various

quarters and how that needed to be urgently

overhauled.

“One of the major challenges in the country

today is public perception on skilling, which

is viewed as the last option meant for those

who have not been able to progress/opted out

of the formal academic system. A number of

factors are responsible for this state of affairs:

19 India’s Country Summary of Higher Education, World

Bank

 Social and traditional view that sees

status as being inversely proportional

to the degree to which one works

with one’s hands. This can also be

attributed to primeval and archaic

ethos which compartmentalized

the skilling landscape for several

hundred years. This unfortunate

legacy has no moral, ethical and

constitutional sanction in free India.

Nonetheless, this gets at times

manifested in norms, attitudes and

societal behavior.

 The proclivity of large sections of

industry especially in the micro,

small and medium sectors to treat

skilled and unskilled persons at par,

thereby depriving skilling of any

meaningful economic incentive.

 Most of the vocational training

programmes are not aligned to

the requirements of the industry.

As a result of the above, a

piquant situation exists in the

country wherein unemployment

continues to coexist with lack of

requisite number of skilled people

at functional level to build roads

and bridges, lay pipelines, work in

factories, engage in offshore drilling,

build ships etc.” (Ministry of Skill

Development and Entrepreneurship,

2015)

The National Policy on Skill Development

and Entrepreneurship 2015, therefore, aims to

provide an umbrella framework for all skilling

activities being carried out within the country,

to align them to common standards and link

skilling with demand centres. A key objective

of this policy is to address the challenge of

skilling at scale with speed, standard (quality)

and sustainability. The policy also seeks to

coordinate and strengthen factors essential

for growth of entrepreneurship across the

country (ibid).

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Creating a Future-Ready Labour Force

In order to provide a strong institutional

framework to implement and scale skill

development efforts across the country,

the Ministry of Skill Development &

Entrepreneurship (MSDE) was formed in 2014

and the National Skill Development Mission

(NSDM) – also referred to as the Skill India

Mission – was launched on July 15, 2015.

Under the Skill India Mission, about 20

Central Ministries and Departments including

the Ministry of Skill Development and

Entrepreneurship (MSDE) are involved in the

implementation of more than 40 schemes

for various skill development programmes

for youth across the country. Long-term skill

training is provided through the Industrial

Training Institutes that number around

15,000 (Government & Private ITIs). Flagship

skill training programmes of the Government

of India, Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana

(PMKVY), and Deen Dayal Upadhyay Gramin

Kaushalya Yojana provide short-term training

to youth in various trades and job-roles.

As a part of the “Transformation of Aspirational

Districts” programme, spearheaded by NITI

Aayog and launched in 2018, there has been

a special focus on skill training of youth in

112 Aspirational Districts, including those

from vulnerable and marginalised sections

of society, with various stakeholders and

agencies coming forward to empower youth

in aspirational districts.

4.2. THE NEED AND

OPPORTUNITY FOR SKILL

DEVELOPMENT IN THE

PLATFORM ECONOMY

In India, the gap in skilling initiatives

is emblematic of a soon-to-be-missed

opportunity (Shukla, Shree & Rani, 2017). This

means that the youth in the country need to

be trained in some skill or the other today, so

as to remain productive. In this direction, the

government’s efforts in skilling and enabling

entrepreneurialism is of immense importance

(Sharma, 2019).

It is crucial to acknowledge here the fact that

a third of India’s workforce is composed of the

millennials, who are aged 25-40 years now

(Bijapurkar, 2019). Millennials are also the first

generation who encountered the digitalised

reality and the potential of a workplace

mediated online, given the slew of changes

that took place around their entry to the

workforce. Therefore, skilling efforts have to be

designed with the dual needs of millennials

and the post-millennials in mind, catering to

the latter’s needs urgently.

Importantly, both of these groups are also

similarly adept at navigating technology in

an unprecedented way, and overwhelmingly

access the internet through their mobile

devices (Mitter, 2020). Tech-driven disruption

has occurred in almost every sector of the

world economy, primarily through a supply-

aggregation model; nested under the

larger ambit of the “sharing economy”, and

supported by emergent technologies like

blockchain or Internet of Things (IoT). This

means that the younger workforce at large

requires advanced knowledge and skills for

a digital age, which includes proficiency in

leveraging online means (Osborn, 2020).

Given the quick diffusion of technology in

platform-work, especially in the mobility

economy, this should be turned into an

opportunity and suitable avenues of skilling

need to be identified. This is an industry-

agnostic concern and any initiatives in this

direction must recognise the importance of

impacting the entire value chain of a business

model.

Most new technologies, especially the digital

kind, require the acquisition of specialised

skills, while platform technologies, on the

other hand, tap into skill sets developed for

performing simple smartphone-based tasks.

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Creating a Future-Ready Labour Force

| 51

This has opened up the platform economy

to over 44.7% of the workforce, who have

acquired smartphone skills in recent years

(MoSPI, 2017). This presents an unprecedented

opportunity, especially for the younger section

of the workforce.

4.3. PLATFORM-LED SKILLING

AS A GROWTH MODEL

In many instances, the platform companies

which provide earning opportunities for those

associated with them take considerable steps

in skilling these workers as well. This is to

assure uniform standards in quality of service

and to gain repeat business through the

app itself, while also achieving upskilling of

workers in an otherwise highly unorganised

labour economy.

Some of the initiatives in this direction are

helmed by platform companies that have

tied up with the National Skill Development

Corporation (NSDC) to upskill blue-collar

workers at scale. This is crucial given the

smart city aspirations of many urban centres

in India, and such Recognition of Prior

Learning (RPL) and certification of upskilling

signals the potential for workers to build the

smart cities of tomorrow (Osborn, 2020). This

tie-up is set to benefit various sectors such as

beauty & wellness, plumbing, carpentry and

other home improvement works, as well as

servicing and repair, by creating a technology

and skill mediated career progression.

Strategic partnerships between ride-hailing

platform companies and NSDC are aimed

to achieve upskilling in the mobility industry

by creating good quality self-employment

(Chopra, 2016). The constellation of partners

assembled here encompasses all the actors in

the mobility ecosystem, including financiers,

car manufacturers and insurers. Added to

the in-house technology capabilities, this

wholesome ecosystem also facilitates the

formalisation of an unstructured market and

affords many opportunities to upskill workers.

This is especially important when it comes

to addressing the skills mismatch that is

prevalent in the Indian economy.

Pursuing employer-led models of job creation

have gathered attention from industry

associations and have proven to be successful

(FICCI, 2017). By creating jobs for people along

with avenues for skilling, these strategies allow

for output generation even while the workers

are being trained. Additionally, due to the

technology interface, it is possible to skill real

time and do it iteratively. Most importantly,

this platform-led model also mainstreams

revenue generation and fills a data lacuna in

our understanding of value addition in these

economic activities undertaken by micro-

entrepreneurs.

Lastly, India’s huge informal labour market

also stands to benefit from a restructuring

due to the platformization of skilling and jobs.

Several initiatives by e-commerce and platform

companies aim at gender, disability and other

marginalisation- inclusivity of such a diverse

workforce while simultaneously bringing

more informal workers under the fold of an

economy of jobs which offers better incomes

and experience of work. By combining income

generation, gainful self-employment and

new forms of social protection, technology

platforms have the potential to create a better

working environment for all.

4.3.1. Case Study: Partnerships

between Street Vendors

& Platforms through PM

SVANidhi

In June 2020, the Government of India

initiated the scheme, “PM Street Vendor

AtmaNirbhar Nidhi Yojana” (PM SVANidhi

Scheme) by which street vendors and small

food salespeople would be recognised

for credit support and business revamp,

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Creating a Future-Ready Labour Force

given the effect of the pandemic on

people’s eating out and hygiene habits.

Through this scheme, street vendors

could also partner with digital platforms

to facilitate delivery of their food wares.

Under this, platforms like Zomato and

Swiggy have signed an MoU (PIB, 2021a)

with the Ministry of Housing and Urban

Affairs (MoHUA) to facilitate the upskilling

and platform-onboarding of street food

vendors on their food-tech platforms.

This move was intended as a boost to

the traditional street food vending sector

which had been affected due to the

lockdowns announced to combat the

spread of Covid-19. Such contact-intensive

jobs, performed usually by marginalised

groups, need an urgent revival and the

platform economy is able to fill the gap

without disrupting traditional skill markets.

This is a necessary match; most new

technologies, especially the digital kind,

require the acquisition of specialised

skills, while platform technologies, on the

other hand, tap into skill sets developed

for performing simple smartphone-based

tasks. This presents an unprecedented

opportunity, especially for the younger

section of the workforce, even as we

translate extant skills such as food vending

into the digital realm.

4.4. POLICY

RECOMMENDATIONS

Since 2015, with the launch of the Skill India

campaign (or National Skills Development

Mission of India), there is an increasing

emphasis on training the labour force in future-

ready and industry-ready skills while factoring

in the needs and aspirations of India’s youth,

and challenges and opportunities existing in

the ecosystem.

4.4.1. Catalyse Platform-led Trans-

formational Skilling Leading

to Horizontal and Vertical

Mobility

Platforms can play an important role in not only

recognising prior skills but also in imparting

skills through in-person and virtual training

programmes to their platform partners to

hone soft-skills, communication, and financial

literacy and proficiency. Needless to say, these

are transferable skills to other professions that

the partner may choose to switch to, thereby

providing the opportunity for horizontal

mobility in the ecosystem. For instance, a

platform worker driving a taxi may double

up as a delivery executive for the same or

different platform, thus creating avenues for

horizontal mobility and improving workers’

remunerative opportunities.

These transferable skills also allow for vertical

mobility in jobs which is necessary to expand

earning opportunities and cater to the

aspirations in the market. Vertical mobility

marks the gradual upskilling of the worker

through association with the platform and

makes them more skilled at their job, setting

off positive effects through the ecosystem.

Fashion sellers at Myntra receive training

through their in-house entrepreneurship

programme to turn their passion to a

successful business, and are able to move up

because of their enhanced skills (Balakrishnan,

2019).

4.4.2. Promote Outcome-based or

Ends-based Skilling

How can we achieve an ends-oriented

approach to skilling? The answer lies in

imparting skilling through doing, i.e., in a

professional setting.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

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An example of this model is seen in the

National Apprenticeship Training Scheme of

the Ministry of Education, and the National

Apprenticeship Promotion Scheme and Dual

System of Training initiative of the Ministry of

Skill Development & Entrepreneurship. These

initiatives combine theoretical training with

practical training from Industry Partners,

thereby strengthening industry linkages and

providing hands-on experience to students on

industries’ latest technologies and techniques

(PIB, 2019).

Ends-based skilling is best achieved through

online platform-attachment of workers. Such

a model allows partially skilled workers-

be they drivers or plumbers or data-entry

operators- to find work and simultaneously

upskill themselves, in the process also

gaining an income. Iterative upskilling is also

possible, through continuous interaction with

platforms. This yields a learning model which

is also consistent with the demands of the job

as well as affording income.

The National Skill Development Corporation

(NSDC) should create skilling, reskilling, and

upskilling opportunities in collaboration with

platform businesses, to enable outcome-

based or ends-based skilling en masse,

across the length and breadth of India.

Reskilling and upskilling opportunities for

workers presently engaged in the informal

sector can lead them to take up jobs in

the gig and platform sector, enabling them

to have jobs with relatively better earnings

and conditions of work. Ministry of Skill

Development & Entrepreneurship is coming

up with Skill India Portal 2.0 which is currently

under development. Skill development

for gig and platform sector would be met

through the proposed features of Skill India

2.0 (erstwhile DESH Stack Portal), currently

under development. Platform companies and

workers associated with the platforms can

be onboarded on the Skill India Portal. The

registering of gig workers will automatically

record their current skill and education

qualifications and verified credentials will be

readily available through proposed “Skill Card”.

New or upgraded qualifications through skill

upgradation initiatives can also be updated

against their credentials on the ‘skill card’. The

proposed features would enable SIP 2.0 to

serve as a platform to link skilled candidates

trained through Pradhan Mantri Kaushal

Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) or linked to E-Shram,

National Career Services (NCS) portal etc.

with platform companies for prospective

employment opportunities.

4.4.3. Promote Digital and Finan-

cial Proficiency across India

Concerted effort from NSDC and the various

Sector Skill Councils (SSCs) is required to train

India’s youth to be digitally and financially

proficient, and empower them to become

micro-entrepreneurs in the platform economy

or start their own platform businesses.

Modules for English, Entrepreneurship and

Employability (EEE) are available under PMKVY.

NSDC and Directorate General of Training

(DGT) are collaborating on Employability and

Entrepreneurial mindset development. DGT

would be submitting to release National

Occupational Standards (NOSs) to suit the

varied needs of candidates. These modules

can be part of training modules for gig

workers or can be offered as upskilling.

4.4.4. Integrate Platform-led Skill-

ing Models with India’s

National Mission and Policy

on Skill Development and

Entrepreneurship

The National Skills Development Corporation

(NSDC) has taken several proactive steps

20 Inputs shared with NITI Aayog by MSDE (O.M. no.

MCRN-11/3/2022-O/0 JD (SNP) dated 26th May 2022

21 Inputs shared with NITI Aayog by MSDE (O.M. no.

MCRN-11/3/2022-O/0 JD (SNP) dated 26th May 2022

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

54 |

Creating a Future-Ready Labour Force

in this regard, to recognise the potential

of platform-first jobs and their projected

growth in the coming years. Accordingly,

new Qualification Frameworks (NSDC, 2017)

have been added in step with the emerging

job roles of the platform economy. They

demonstrate the need for an intersectional

understanding of skills across the spectrum,

regardless of job role: each requires digital

dexterity, an understanding of digital financial

management and demands the candidates’

ability to manage time effectively. Therefore,

the skill dividends reaped through platform

jobs, which afford “earning while learning”,

transcend sector-specific ones.

Likewise, it is recommended that the potential

and impact of platform-led skilling be included

in India’s National Policy for Skill Development

and Entrepreneurship (MSDE, 2015). This would

set the right stage for nationwide ends-based

skill development while also catering to the

aspirations of a growing young population

which is mobile-first and values flexibility and

entrepreneurship.

4.4.5. Accelerate Skills Training for

Women and Persons with

Disabilities (PwDs)

Promoting skills training and providing

placement support to women and PwDs,

particularly in rural areas, smaller towns,

and cities can encourage them to take up

platform jobs. A greater thrust to training

for skills relevant for platform work can

be given through Government schemes

such as Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas

Yojana, Jan Shikshan Sansthan, and Deen

Dayal Upadhyaya Grameen Kaushalya

Yojana (DDU-GKY). Long-term skill training

programmes through Industrial Training

Institutes (ITIs) can also supplement these

efforts. MoUs between the government and

platform businesses could also incentivise

training for marginalised groups, securing

them livelihood opportunities in the platform

economy.

The platform economy, in principle, is free

of any biases. However, due to socio-cultural

reasons more women than men and more

PwDs than non-disabled are deprived of

access to the internet, smartphones and

digital literacy. This may prevent them from

obtaining access to livelihood opportunities in

the platform economy. Thus, policy initiatives

that promote access to digital education and

internet for women and PwDs are critical in

providing equal opportunities for all. Schemes

like Pradhan Mantri Gramin Digital Saksharta

Abhiyaan, aimed at imparting digital literacy to

rural citizens, can be instrumental in enabling

rural women and PwDs to learn digital skills.

Central and State Governments, Civil Society

Organisations (CSOs), and businesses can

work on implementing programmes with

well-defined outcomes for women and PwD’s

digital access, mentoring them to take up

livelihood opportunities with platforms.

4.4.6. Enable Transferability and

Transplantation of Long-

term Skills by Leveraging

Platforms

Platform-enabled skilling generates a digital

footprint, leading to the much-needed

accountability mechanism that the skilling

domain has sorely lacked till date. Platforms

enable the creation of potential “Skill

Certificates” or “Skill Passports” for workers

thatplatform businesses can provide. Thiscan

be envisaged as a “Skill Badge” in the platform

worker’s online profile. This ensures both

transferability and transplantation of crucial

long-term skills (Ramachandran, 2020b).

By integrating the Skill Development and

Employment/Social Security portals such as

E-Shram and National Career Services portals

of the Ministry of Labour and Employment,

Udyam portal of the Ministry of Micro, Small

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| 55

& Medium Enterprises, the ASEEM portal and

the upcoming Skill India Portal 2.0 of Ministry

of Skill Development & Entrepreneurship –

a one-stop solution could be afforded for a

large number of workers India.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

As discussed in the previous chapters, the

livelihood generation and increased earning

potential of platform jobs, along with the

flexibility they offer, are what make them apt

for the new-age digital economy. However,

their capacity goes beyond improving

just financial figures. Platform work is

fundamentally gender, race, caste ansd age

agnostic. Any willing individual armed with

an internet-enabled smartphone and a vehicle

(motorised or even non-motorised), can

monetise their assets, and earn a livelihood

(Sundararajan, 2016; Ramachandran, Singh &

Narain, 2021). Therefore, this democratising of

access to jobs, with low entry barriers creates

equal opportunities for all, which overtime can

lead to improvement in the socio-economic

status of marginalised groups. This Chapter

underscores how platformization can lead

to a more inclusive economy, empowering

women and PwD (Persons with Disability),

thereby tempering the structural barriers that

have historically hindered their labour force

participation.

Enhancing Social

Inclusion in the

New-age Digital

Economy

56 |

Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

| 57

5.1. STRUCTURAL BARRIERS

TO SOCIAL INCLUSION :

CHALLENGES FACED BY

WOMEN

Despite the tremendous economic growth

that India has experienced, only a third of

the country’s women partake in economic

activities. The female labour force participation

(FLPR) has remained low, oscillating between

16% to 23% in the last few years (Kumar, 2021;

Kapoor & Negi, 2021). NSSO data (1970-2018)

indicates that an increase in household

incomes have led to an apparent decline in

the “need” for women to work (Nikore, 2019).

Research studies indicate that social and

household dynamics continue to govern the

intra-household division of labour and in turn,

women’s choices of paid work, particularly

when they do not have access to child care

support (Khurana, 2015, 2020).

On their part, women typically face constraints

related to time, their dual responsibilities

defined by social norms and disadvantages

related to poverty and intersecting inequalities.

Women, more than men, are concentrated in

jobs that are low paid and devoid of social

security. This is primarily a result of two factors

– discrimination and occupational choices.

Aside from receiving lower wages, women

also tend to choose lower paying jobs like

clerical over production jobs (Bhalla & Kaur,

2011). Moreover, there is a confluence of other

varied factors such as less access to education

and less work experience than men that

further reduce the earning potential of

women (ibid).

The gig economy offers women a wide

choice of work and flexible arrangements

enabling them to have an income along with

managing their normative responsibilities

of care work in their households. Studies

indicate that women appreciate the income

generating potential of the gig economy

and are its “major beneficiaries” (IWWAGE

2020: 7). However, there could be certain

factors restricting women’s access, their

ability to continue in their chosen profession

and their upward mobility. The WESO Report

(ILO 2021) points out that while women do

find work on digital labour platforms, they

represent only four in ten workers on online

web-based platforms and one in ten workers

on location-based platforms. This according

to the report (ILO 2021), indicates that the

online labour market poses challenges for

women in accessing work, just as in the

case of the offline labour market. Challenges

that women face in accessing work gig and

platform sector, in upward mobility and their

ability to continue with employment in the

sector are analysed based on a systematic

analysis of literature.

Gender Inequalities in Access to

Digital Technology

Even though the gig economy, with the

wide variety of employment options it offers,

is accessible to all those who are willing to

engage in such employment, access to

internet services and digital technology can

be a restrictive factor.

Significantly, data suggests that women’s

access to internet and to smart phones is

much lower than men in both urban and rural

areas. According to the GSMA Mobile Gender

Gap Report 2021, only 25 per cent women

owned smartphones compared to 41 per cent

men in India in the year 2020. While these

figures represent a considerable increase

from the previous year when only 14 per cent

women compared to 37 per cent men owned

a smartphone, the difference of ownership

between men and women still remains

stark (GSMA 2021). Usage of smartphones

indicates access to mobile internet and when

a woman owns a smartphone “she is almost

as likely as a man to use mobile internet and

access a range of services” (Carboni 2021).

According to the report, in addition to other

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Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

factors such as changing market dynamics,

Covid-19 restrictions and lockdowns have

driven an increased need, and in some cases,

the required justification for women to go

online. Qualitative research undertaken by

GSMA with female mobile internet users in

Bihar and Madhya Pradesh, as well as expert

interviews, highlighted four important life

needs that had driven smartphone uptake

and mobile internet use among women over

the year 2020: online education for children,

video calls, access to income opportunities

and increased demand on devices in the

home for entertainment and other purposes.

Further research is however, needed to

understand the implications of this relative

increase in women’s smartphone usage for

their engagement in the gig and platform

economy.

Figures on unequal access to smartphone,

however, do indicate that women still lag

behind in access vis-à-vis men. Women

are less likely to own mobile phones and

digital devices due to both economic and

socio-cultural restrictions. When disposable

income in a household is scarce, it is often

the male members of the household who

get to spend on purchase of digital devices

like mobile phones and laptops or computers.

This disparity is observed more in the case of

rural women. Platforms that require women’s

in-person services may be accessible for

employment only to urban women. Those

that allow workers to offer remote services

may not also be accessible to several rural

women willing to take up such employment

opportunities, who do not have access to

internet services.

Women’s Normative Responsibil-

ities and the “Double Burden of

Work”

While employment in the gig economy

allows for combining paid work and unpaid

care work, women may feel the extra work

burden since they still take care of the

majority of household work (Samman &

Hunt, 2016). Research studies among women

workers in the informal sector indicate that

social and household dynamics continue to

govern the intra-household division of labour

and in turn, women’s choices of paid work,

particularly when they do not have access to

child care support (Khurana, 2015, 2020). Gig

and platform work, in principle, allows workers

to better manage their paid and unpaid care

work responsibilities as they get to decide

their work hours and are not required to be

in a structured physical work setting (Kasliwal

2020, IWWAGE 2020, ILO 2021). However,

women’s choices of employment in the gig

and platform economy may still be largely

shaped by their normative responsibilities

of household and care work with women

prioritizing the latter. Studies conducted in

the UK show that women are more likely

to exit from the gig economy. This could

be attributed to their income being of the

“distressed” category. Consequently, as soon

as conditions improve, women leave the

workforce. This phenomenon is widely visible

in India’s informal economy as well. Women’s

normative responsibilities of household and

care work is often responsible for their inability

to continue in any form of employment and

more so in employment that lacks job security

and future career prospects (Kasliwal 2020,

Khurana 2020).

Lack of Job Security

A study conducted by Observer Research

Foundation and World Economic Forum

in 2018 found that 35 percent of women

surveyed were disinterested in joining the gig

economy due to the lack of job security and

uncertain employment status (Kasliwal 2020).

Women’s ability to improve their conditions

of work is also restricted by a lack of voice, a

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

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| 59

lack of effective bargaining power, especially

in a context like the gig economy and the

informal economy. The study undertaken by

IWWAGE also points out that gig workers

experience significant challenges in terms of

regularity of wages and working conditions.

This is an aspect of the gig work structure

where the features of informal work become

evident. Several challenges faced by short-

term contract workers are the same as those

faced by informal workers (IWWAGE 2020).

This uncertainty associated with regularity

in the available work and income may lead

workers, particularly women workers, who

already manage normative responsibilities of

housework and child care, to discontinue or

give up employment in the gig sector.

The WESO Report (ILO 2021) found that work

on online web-based platforms is the primary

source of income for many, particularly in

developing countries, and especially for many

women. About one third of respondents

reported that online work was their main

source of income, and this proportion was

higher in developing countries and for

women. The report indicates that platform

work is the primary source of income for

many workers in developing countries (44 per

cent), and especially among women in these

countries (52 per cent). However, low and

unstable incomes was a concern for some of

these workers. Gig work as a primary source

of income allows for less flexibility, compared

to when such work is a source of additional

earning (ILO 2021). It is pointed out that when

the numbers of available workers is large,

incentivising workers based on the numbers

of tasks completed or on customer feedback

may lead to the loss of work-life balance and

place the worker under duress. Competition

between workers due to increased labour

supply can push earnings down so that

workers may be forced to work longer hours

and hence compromise on flexibility (Graham

and Woodcock, 2018 in IWWAGE 2020).

Gender-Based Occupational Segre-

gation of Tasks & Pay Gap

ILO’s WESO report found that women are

more likely than men to perform professional

services (such as legal services, translation,

writing and editing), and tasks related to

business services or sales and marketing. Few

women mentioned that they performed tasks

related to technology and data analytics (ILO

2021). Across the world, the app-based taxi and

delivery sectors are found to be largely male-

dominated. Women comprise fewer than 10

per cent of workers in these sectors. The share

of women is considerably higher only in some

countries, for instance in Indonesia in the app

based taxi sector (13 per cent), where female-

only taxis are preferred by some female clients

to mitigate risks of violence and harassment

(Straits Times 2015 in ILO 2021:137-38). It was

also found that a considerable proportion

of workers on online web-based platforms

have experienced discrimination, particularly

women and workers in developing countries.

About 19 per cent of respondents on

freelance platforms reported that they had

experienced discrimination. This proportion

was lower in developed countries (12 per

cent) than in developing countries (22 per

cent), where it was also particularly high

among female respondents (25 per cent). The

qualitative responses from respondents in

developing countries further reflect the fact

that discrimination often takes the form of

exclusion from work opportunities or low pay.

This was observed on several platforms where

certain higher-paying tasks were allocated to

workers from developed countries through

the platform design. Discrimination based on

other factors, such as gender, ethnicity, age

or language spoken, was also reported (ILO

2021).

Findings of studies on online web-based

platforms on the gender pay gap are mixed.

The ILO surveys reveal that when looking

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60 |

Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

at averages, a gender pay gap can often

be observed, but this may not always be

significant when a statistical analysis is

undertaken. The average hourly earnings for

female online workers were slightly lower

than for male, and they are also lower for

women in developed countries than for

men. In developing countries, however, the

average hourly earnings (paid and unpaid)

for women are higher than for men. These

higher earnings among women in developing

countries could be due to their higher

education levels compared to those of men,

allowing them to perform better-paid tasks.

Gender pay gaps are also observed in some

developed countries. A study in the app-based

taxi sector in the United States based on data

collected from over a million Uber drivers

found that men earn around 7 per cent more

than women. This gender gap is attributed

to differences in experience, preferences for

location of work and driving speed (Cook

et al. 2018 in ILO 2021). Women’s ability to

access more work might also be restricted

as they are cautious and less likely to work

during night hours for fear of experiencing

discrimination, harassment or violence (ILO

2021). A report by Teamlease indicates that

while a large number of women are joining

the gig economy, they are paid less than men

for the same jobs. The study observed an

8-10 percent difference in the monthly salary

between male and female delivery executives

(Kasliwal 2020).

ILO surveys show that a substantial proportion

of respondents are required by platforms or

clients to install specific software, or meet

certain hardware and software requirements;

their working hours are monitored by

clients; they are requested to be available

during specific times by clients; and they

are required to use a monitoring system for

submitting screenshots of the work done.

Such mechanisms for monitoring and control

tend to be more frequent for platform workers

from developing countries and women (ILO

2021).

Concerns regarding Safety

ILO global surveys reveal that about 83 per

cent of workers engaged in the app-based

taxi sector and 89 per cent in the app-based

delivery sector reported having safety concerns

about their work, often relating to road safety,

theft and physical assault. In countries with

women in the sample, higher proportion of

women than men reported being subject to

discrimination or harassment, or were aware

of such instances faced by their peers (ILO

2021).

An analysis of the gender aspects of employ-

ment in the gig and platform sector thus

indicates that women may experience var-

ious challenges with regards to access and

engagement with digital platforms including

access to digital technologies, double burden

of paid work and care responsibilities, lack of

job security, issues of occupational safety, up-

ward mobility and lack of effective bargaining

power. An understanding of the barriers and

challenges that women might face – those

emanating from their social and economic

positions in the labour market and within

the household – provides an indication of the

pathways that can enable more women to

engage in and sustain in their employment

with the platforms.

5.2. STRUCTURAL BARRIERS

TO SOCIAL INCLUSION:

CHALLENGES FACED BY

PwDs

Labour market challenges are also evident for

Persons with Disabilities (PwDs), who make up

for 2.1% to 10% of India’s population (Kulkarni,

2021), but have a labour force participation

rate of 36% (MoSPI, 2021). Even though The

Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016

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| 61

increased the mandated 3% reservation for

PwD in Government vacancies from 3% to

4%, along with incentivising 5% reservation

in private sector, their needs for meaningful

employment remain unmet (GoI 1995, GoI

2016).

For PwDs, the structural barriers range from

access to education, lack of skilling and a

direct correlation between disability and

incidence of poverty. PwDs are more likely

to have lost work or changed their nature

of work because of disability. This often

ties disability with lower economic location

(Thomas et al, 2012). Initiatives such as the

National Rural Employment Guarantee Act,

2005

, are a step in the right direction, but

there is little data to assess how the scheme

may have been utilised by the PwDs.

Thus, dedicated and focussed efforts are

needed to address such structural barriers

that prevent marginalised groups from

taking part in economic activities. The efforts

made by the government must be bolstered

through multi-stakeholder partnerships, an

approach that is foundational to the platform

economy.

5.3. OPPORTUNITIES FOR

GREATER SOCIAL

INCLUSION IN PLATFORM

WORK

The socio-cultural and economic biases of

conventional economic models have led

to stark disparities within the labour force,

leaving behind the marginalised. Apart from

the existing government schemes and policies

to uplift these sections, a new approach is

needed, factoring the changing future of work

22 Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment

Act 2005 is aimed at providing at least 100 days of

guaranteed wage earnings each ﬁnancial year to

each household whose adult members agree to do

unskilled manual labour (GoI, 2018).

on account of digitalisation. Unlike traditional

jobs, the platform economy affords flexibility

and choice of labour, is free of selective biases

– such as gender, caste, class or disability bias,

etc. – that often impinges on the ability of the

“formal” economy to expand its scope and

reach (Ramachandran & Raman, 2021).

The platform economy relies on innovation

to provide access to skill development, social

security, access to finance and job creation,

which are the key pillars of inclusive growth.

A case in point is how beauticians now have

the option to no longer be tied to parlours

that would pay them poorly, despite them

bringing in four times the business than their

salary (Raval, 2019). Platform workers can be

their own boss, while earning higher income,

all the while learning skills that support their

families (Pema, 2020). Indeed, platforms

are reframing the role of women in private

and public life. Platforms offer women the

dual benefit of flexibility and choice to work

when and where they want, and augment

assets – benefits which are absent or limited

in the traditional sectors of the economy.

Thus, labour force participation is no longer

a binary decision between household duties

and economic aspirations, but women now

have the choice to work at will (Raman &

Kulkarni, 2021).

The inclusive character of platform economy

goes beyond the accessibility it provides

through app interface to create economic

opportunities. For instance, Zomato has taken

steps to incorporate more PwDs through

active onboarding and facilitation, while

making the customer aware when a disabled

delivery person is assigned to them via the

app (Zomato, 2019). Among other platforms,

Amazon and Flipkart facilities in Mumbai

and Bengaluru, too, are actively hiring teams

who have speech and/or hearing disabilities

(Flipkart, 2017). Platforms are forging

partnerships with NGOs to not only create

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Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

livelihood opportunities for women and PwDs

but also to train them in managing order

fulfilment and last-mile delivery. While such

efforts are still not upto the required scale to

create a measurable impact, they are still an

example for others to follow.

5.4. GROWING EVIDENCE OF

WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION

IN THE PLATFORM

ECONOMY

It has already been evidenced that platform

work offers flexibility and choice, which are

the primary motivation for individuals to join

this economy. However, for the marginalized,

platform work presents a lucrative opportunity,

which can not only enhance their economic

participation but enable upward social

mobility as well. Discussed in the previous

section, marriage and education have a

direct impact on a woman’s participation

in economic activities. In the context of the

platform economy, there is an emerging

positive trend that suggests women are

more likely to take up platform jobs after their

education and marriage (Raman & Kulkarni,

2021). Additionally, the platform economy

offers women the ability to earn extra money,

choose their working hours, place of work

and also the nature of work. Studies indicate

that women are “major beneficiaries” of the

gig economy and appreciate its income

generating potential (IWWAGE, 2020).

5.4.1. Case Study: Impact of

platforms on women’s

economic empowerment

Source: Adapted from Raman, Ramach-

andran & Sindhu, 2021

This case study presents evidence from

a mixed methods study conducted in

2020-21. The study focused on delineating

the facilitators and barriers for women’s

participation in the platform economy.

Primary data was collected through both

online surveys and in-person interviews

for two distinct sets of respondents:

Individual Platform Workers and, and

Aspirational Women. 84 platform workers

affiliated to platforms offering professional

home services, hyperlocal deliveries, and

passenger mobility were interviewed

from October 2020 to February 2021.

A survey of 624 women participants –

termed “Aspirational Women” outside

the platform economy was conducted

in late 2020 across Bengaluru, Mysuru,

Jaipur, Jodhpur, Udaipur, and Delhi.

Further, a series of telephonic and virtual

interviews were conducted with select

individuals representing organisations

relevant to the Indian platform economy

in both the private and public spheres.

Experts from over 40 organisations

belonging to governmental, civil society,

and private sector organisations across

the domains of public policy, skill

development, entrepreneurship, finance,

etc. were interviewed. Government

stakeholders at the Government of India,

and Governments of Delhi, Rajasthan, and

Karnataka provided invaluable insights.

Platform businesses engaging women

workers too were systematically studied

and engaged with.

Key highlights from the study are

presented below.

a. Women are more likely to take up

platform jobs after their education

and marriage.

80% of the respondents are in the age

group 26-45 years, followed by 18-24

years (18%) and 46-65 years (2%). Of the

women surveyed, 72% are married. 19% are

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

| 63

unmarried while 5% of them are divorced

and 4% widowed. A majority of the

respondents reported having completed

high school and higher secondary (61%),

with a sizeable number holding diploma

or undergraduate degree (25%).

18-25 years

26-45 years

46-65 years

80%

18%

Chart 10: Distribution of women platform

workers by age

Divorced

Married

Unmarried/Single

Widowed

(Blank)

70%

19%

Chart 11: Distribution of women platform

workers by marital status

Upto

Class 8

Class

9 or 10

Class

11 or 12

Diploma

Under-

graduate

Schooling

11%

20%

18%

41%

Chart 12: Distribution of women platform

workers by educational qualifications

The findings suggest a trend where women

are more likely to take up platform jobs

after their education and marriage. This is

a positive finding, contrary to the macro-

economic trend where married Indian

women withdraw from the labour force

on account of caregiving responsibilities

and for enabling family’s upward social

mobility.

Want to be an entreprene...

I like to apply the skills I’v...

To keep myself busy

Assured income and the...

To earn money to pay for...

Less stress

Friends/relatives are with...

More personal time

I lost my job and i’d like to...

25%

20%

13%

12%

11%

4% 4%

Chart 13: Primary reasons for choosing

platform work

Yes May be No

73%

19%

Chart 14: Preference for platform work over

other jobs

b. Women opt for platform work

out of the need to participate in

economic activities to support

dependents.

In the study, over 90% of the respondents

reported supporting two or more

dependents. Over 80% had dependents

younger than 18 years of age.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

64 |

Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

Full time

Nothing

Student

Home

maker

N = 84

Chart 15: Women choosing platform work as

a full-time opportunity

15%

27%

33%

10%

One

Two

Three

Four

Five

6 or more

Chart 16: Distribution of respondents by

number of dependents

Zero

Two

One

Three

Four

Five

33%

11%

19%

Chart 17: Distribution of respondents by

number of dependents under 18 years of age

c. Platform labour forms a primary

source of income for the majority

of the women interviewed.

Preference for platform work can also

be seen as it was the primary source of

income for 75% of the total respondents.

100% of total

annual income

At least half but

less than 100% of

total annual income

Less than

half of total

annual income

42%

33%

25%

Chart 18: Platform as primary source of

income

Overall, platform work finds a strong

preference among women, providing

them opportunities that are otherwise

absent in conventional jobs.

d. Platforms offer high earning

opportunities for women.

About 38% of the respondents work

between 5 and 25 hours a week and

29% of them spend more than 40 hours

in platform work. The flexibility of work

timings results in a unique advantage for

workers to choose how many hours to put

in a typical workday. Whereas a traditional

beautician/ driver is expected to spend at

least 40 hours on-job, a majority of these

platform workers spend less than half that

time, while earning much more.

The monthly income of 39% of the

respondents falls in the range of INR

10,000 to 25,000. Of these, 48% of women

cite this as their only source of income.

About 34% respondents report a monthly

income of between INR 25,000 to 40,000

while another 20% of them earn around

INR 40,000 to 75,000 per month.

Between

26 and

40 hours

Between

5 and

25 hours

Less than

5 hours

More than

40 hours

22%

38%

12%

29%

Chart 19: Hours spent in platform work

(per week)

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

| 65

INR 10,000

to 25,000

INR 25,000

to 40,000

INR 40,000

to 75,000

Less than

INR 10,000

Over

INR 75,000

39%

34%

20%

Chart 20: Monthly Income from Platform

work

e. Women platform workers are more

likely to continue in this workforce

due to the flexibility offered

Earning extra

money

Working the house,

I choose

Choosing my

own task

Working in a place

that I choose

Doing what I enjoy

Working for myself and

being my own boss

46%

28%

14%

Chart 21: Motivation to continue in the

platform economy

Women participants in platform

businesses are more likely to continue

in this workforce due to the flexibility

offered, which allows them to manage

their unpaid care work at home and paid

work in their occupation.

This is reinforced by analysis of the reason

for willingness to join platforms as reported

by women outside the platform economy.

Upon being informed of platform jobs, 624

women outside the platform economy

were asked if they would be willing to

participate in the platform economy and

the reasons for the same. Flexibility, ability

to be an entrepreneur, ability to monetise

assets including skills, assured income, etc.

were the top reasons cited by women

outside the platform economy.

Want to be an entr...

I’d like to apply the ...

Assured income a ...

I’ve lost my job an ...

To earn money to ...

To keep myself busy

More personal time

Less stress

Friends/relatives ...

20%

16%

14%

12%

11%

10%

Chart 22: Reasons of non-platform women

for willingness to participate in the platform

economy

Indeed, platforms are helping reframe the

role of women in private and public life.

Labour force participation is no longer a

binary decision between household duties

and economic aspirations, but women

now have the choice to work at will.

5.5. BREAKING BARRIERS,

CREATING OPPORTUNITIES

The potential of the platform economy

runs beyond the livelihood opportunities it

offers to the marginalised groups. Platforms

businesses can play a significant role towards

value creation in terms of skilling, digital

literacy, financial literacy and inculcating

entrepreneurial spirit. This value addition may

not only help the individual associated with

the platforms, but can also radiate to their

social groups, especially family, in the form

of cultural capital.

The dispersed locations, a feature of most

platforms, widens the geographic possibilities

for PwDs and women to work out of.

Complemented with the ability to set their own

hours, platform jobs have greater freedom and

flexibility compared to any other conventional

occupation. Moreover, productive self-

employment is one of the key enablers for

a PwD to realise their potential. Platforms

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Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

have been earnestly supporting this, by listing

and selling products by entrepreneurs with

disabilities. With fast onboarding and credit

access, they further nurture self-employment

among PwDs (Flipkart, 2019).

5.5.1. Case Study: Platforms em-

powering marginalized

Platforms are empowering PwDs

and women by boosting their self-

esteem in the workplace and creating

opportunities for them to participate as

productive members of society. Amazon

has introduced a first-of-its-kind “Silent

Station” in Mumbai, that employs a large

workforce of individuals with hearing and

speech disabilities (Nair, 2019).

Meanwhile, the e-commerce giant has

alsolaunched “The Saheli Store” on its India

website, for products curated by women

entrepreneurs. In Thiruvananthapuram

(Kerala) and Chennai (Tamil Nadu),

Amazon has women-only delivery stations

(ibid), aimed at empowering them.

On similar lines, Flipkart too incorporates

individuals with hearing and speech

disabilities to their fleet of delivery

personnel and customer-facing roles. In

their most recent initiative, “Ekartians

with Disabilities”, they are attempting to

create a diverse and inclusive workplace

and supply chain (ET, 2021).

Such initiatives not only dismantle

stereotypes surrounding the employability

of women and PwDs, underlining their

capabilities as a crucial member of the

society, they also lead to skilling of a large

workforce which may otherwise not have

access to such training.

From expectations to be chaperoned by a

male member of the family to occupational

stereotypes, systemic barriers prevent women

from choosing certain professions like

becoming a service provider in the mobility

domain. With the advent of platform jobs,

driving can now be associated with liberating

and empowering women. According to

the case studies by Association for Non-

traditional Employment for Women (ANEW),

more women are seeking driving courses

with the motivation to become an earning

member of the family, develop new skills or

to gain agency (Raman, Ramachandran &

Sindhu, 2021). Even a few women working

in the mobility space goes a long way

in shattering gender stereotypes for the

society at large, especially the misogynistic

notions around women being bad drivers.

At the same time, these women develop

transferable skills, support their families, gain

access to digital banking accounts and formal

credit. Financial inclusion has been a long

standing matter of contention. In India, only

44% women have bank accounts, with less

than 2% of those having access to mobile

banking facilities (Kohli, 2018). Holding a bank

account, especially a digital bank account,

is a prerequisite for a woman entering the

platform economy, with platform businesses

taking steps to help women workers open

one (Raman, Ramachandran & Sindhu, 2021).

5.5.2. Case Study: Platformiza-

tion increases access to

banking services

While access to bank accounts is a

prerequisite for platform jobs, platform

businesses are also enabling their

partners to gain access to formal credit.

Companies like Ola, Zomato, and Swiggy

have partnered with banking platforms

like Avail Finance to provide short-term

personal loans to their workers (Bhakta,

2019).

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

Urban Company has an interest-free

loan programme for its partners, under

which INR 11 crores have been disbursed

to those eligible, covering almost 85%

of its workforce. Meanwhile, under their

Gold Partners plan, partners can avail

small loans in times of emergencies with

zero to minimal interest rates (Raman,

Ramachandran & Sindhu, 2021).

As platform businesses are actively taking

steps to include more women and PwDs in

their workforce, benefits of such initiatives

further bolster the government’s efforts to

increase access to banking facilities and

financial inclusion.

Platformization has the potential to not only

grant a sense of autonomy and agency to

those working in its ambit, but also catalyse

social change by shattering stereotypes, social

constraints and economic barriers. The gender,

caste, disability and age agnostic character of

platform economy can be leveraged by the

government to ramp up its effort towards

creating an equitable society. Creating an

ecosystem that enables platformization as

well as benefits the platform workers, would

go a long way in India’s quest to become a

more inclusive society and economy.

5.6. POLICY RECOMMENDA-

TIONS

Platforms offer flexibility and choice of work to

all through asset monetisation – both physical

assets (vehicles, tools and equipment) and

assets of transferable skills (Ramachandran,

Singh & Narain, 2021). Given the advantages

they offer, ranging from low-entry barriers,

and ease of access and enrollment, to flexibility

of time, digital platforms have immense

potential for creating livelihood opportunities,

particularly for women and PwDs. However,

even with this potential, the platform economy

is not without its challenges, primarily due

to the existing structural inequalities in the

larger economy that could take years to

amend. The WESO Report (ILO, 2021) points

out that while women do find work on digital

labour platforms, they represent only four in

ten workers on online web-based platforms

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Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

and one in ten workers on location-based

platforms. Thus, if India is to leverage the

true potential of the platform economy, an

array of enabling strategic interventions with

multi-stakeholder collaborations must be

introduced at the earliest.

This chapter presents policy recommenda-

tions for the consideration of Government,

Industry, Civil society, Allied businesses, and

Nonprofits.

5.6.1. Recommendations for the

Industry

1) Gender Sensitisation & Accessibility

Awareness Programmes for Workers and

their Families

Platform businesses can undertake

partnerships with Civil Society Organisations

(CSOs) and Non-Governmental Organisations

(NGOs) to promote legal/ economic/ social

rights of women and Persons with Disabilities

(PwDs), especially from marginal and

vulnerable backgrounds, thereby increasing

their potential to take up non-traditional

livelihoods. These partnerships will also

help identify talented/ aspirational women

and Persons with Disabilities (PwDs) from

marginal/ vulnerable backgrounds.

2) Inclusive Communication, Systems, and

Processes

Platform businesses can implement

communication plans which are gender- and

accessibility-inclusive. A few considerations to

make while designing internal and external

communication are:

 Do the communication pro-

grammes, materials, and messages

perpetuate or promote gender

inequality by privileging one sex

over the other? Do they perpetuate

disability stereotypes?

 Do the platform businesses have a

higher share of women and PwD

managers and supervisors than

traditional companies?

 Is the communication used during

on-boarding and training workers

inclusive? Do the training staff or

facilitators use inclusive language,

and inspire confidence among

women and Persons with Disabilities

(PwDs)?

 Is the communication adapted in

local languages as well? Is it gender-

sensitive and accessibility-inclusive

while being translated?

 Is there a dedicated helpline for

women, and PwDs each?

3) Partnerships with Governments, CSOs

& Allied Businesses to Reskill and

Upskill Women and PwDs while also

Facilitating their Access to Assets

There is scope for aggregators/platform

businesses to collaborate with civil society

organisations, social enterprises, and other

relevant groups which aid in the economic

participation of women and PwDs. The

private sector could provide the necessary

impetus to efforts being undertaken in the

areas including, but not limited to, access to

finance, skilling and education. Partnerships

may be formed within existing business

models or through new or unique models as

per each organisation’s structure, goals and

objectives.

Partnerships with CSOs/NGOs, and govern-

ment and parastatal agencies to enable

creation of peer and support groups for

mentorship and any other support including

psychological support, legal aid, financial

literacy, communication, and soft-skills

training too may be explored.

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Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

| 69

Tie-ups with organisations conducting

gender/ safety audits and accessibility audits

to aid in data sharing and aggregation is

recommended. This is important for safety

and accessibility mapping, and gender- and

accessibility-budgeting. Independent and

periodic internal surveys, feedback, and audits

to understand the needs, aspirations and

challenges of women and PwDs will also go

a long way in modifying operational structure

to invite and retain women and PwD workers.

4) Better Infrastructure and Work Design

to Create Enabling Environment for

Women and PwD Workers

Incubating childcare services as a community

business can reduce the time cost of care

work which is borne disproportionately by

women.

Platforms could explore partnership with local

hospitality businesses/ petrol stations, etc.

where women workers and PwDs can utilise

accessible restrooms and lounges between

work hours, especially in the mobility or

logistics related platform economy.

Platform businesses should have inclusive

and accessible local offices (with partners/ in a

co-working space) for walk-ins by women and

PwD workers. Though it is a diversion from the

existing business model for platforms, a local

office, however sparse, may instil confidence

in women and PwD workers reaching out for

personal support. The platform businesses

may consider a local office for clusters of Tier-

2/ Tier-3 cities.

Use of technology to create safer workplaces

for women could lead the way in demolishing

the stigma around their safety and mobility,

benefiting women who are engaged or wish

to be engaged in this sector. Panic buttons

and installation of surveillance technology

such as CCTV cameras at workplaces could be

a step in this direction.Incentives for women

and PwDs choosing to work beyond regular

working hours/ festive days: This is a short-run

recommendation, and can greatly motivate

ambitious women and PwD workers, until

there is equity at the workplace.

5) Institutionalise Accessibility, Diversity

and Inclusion at the Workplace with

initiatives such as Gender-based and

Disability-based Onboarding Targets

and Incentives

Platform businesses should make targeted

efforts to mainstream women and PwD

workers into the platform economy

through gender-based and disability-based

onboarding and performance incentives. The

leadership of platform businesses can envision

an equitable workforce for the coming

decade. Further, Key Performance Indicators

(KPIs) can be linked to achieve onboarding

targets to gauge the organisation’s overall

success in attaining gender and disability-

based inclusion.

Referral bonuses for existing platform workers

to bring onboard their female and PwD

friends/ relatives: Informal networks, and

especially peer groups on social media and

WhatsApp, have been found to be the most

useful in converting an acquaintance into a

platform worker.

Facilitate shared ownership of assets such as

cars/ two-wheelers for part-time workers with

other female and PwD workers. Alternatively,

platform businesses may also incentivise male

and non-disabled workers to share ownership

and plying of their vehicles with their female

and PwD family members on a shift-basis.

6) Facilitate access to Social Security

Benefits for Women and Persons with

Disabilities (PwDs)

Platforms can actively facilitate access to

social security for all workers affiliated to

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Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

them, in general, and women and PwDs, in

particular. For detailed recommendations,

see Chapter 7.

5.6.2. Recommendations for the

Government, Civil society,

Allied businesses, and

Nonprofits

1) Ensure Universal Coverage of Platform

Workers through the Code on Social

Security

The Code on Social Security (CoSS) 2020

expands worker classifications in India,

recognises two new-age worker categories

and extends social protection to all workers

regardless of their employment status.

Extending social security to those associated

in non-traditional work relations such as

platforms is key to universalising social

security. For detailed recommendations, see

Chapter 7.

2) Bridge Skill Gaps by Carrying Out

Periodic Assessments and Partnering

with Platform Businesses for

Onboarding Skilled Women and PwDs

We need to encourage platform-led skilling

for women and PwDs for them to become

productive members of our economy.

The government should also periodically

assess the relevance and effectiveness of

such ends-based skilling programmes for

women and PwDs especially. For detailed

recommendations on skilling, see Chapter 4.

Further streamlining the availability of

periodic aggregate data on the various

courses on offer and the demographic of the

participants completing the courses would be

an advantage. This would assist the platform

businesses in identifying potential services to

offer, geographical markets to operate in, and

aspirational workers in those areas.

3) Reach Out to Unbanked and Under-

banked Women and PwDs to through

FinTech Services

An innovative method to bridge the gender

and accessibility gap in digital banking is

to open “UPI-receive-only” accounts while

opening accounts for women and PwD

workers. Through this method, while the

women and PwD workers are able to carry

out expenditure through non-digital methods,

the regular inflow of income also creates a

financial profile for the women and PwDs,

enabling them to access credit in the future.

Public & Private Sector Banks may

employ more women and PwD banking

correspondents. Such representation would

inspire confidence and trust amongst the

unbanked and under-banked women and

PwDs from rural and semi-urban areas.

FinTech and new-age financial institutions

have an important role, which needs to be

recognised, in bridging the gender and

accessibility gap for financial services. Greater

outreach by such companies needs to be

encouraged and appropriate changes in

regulations relevant to FinTech platforms may

be explored. Cash-flow-based-lending at scale

may also be encouraged by leveraging FinTech

platforms. For detailed recommendations on

financial inclusion, see Chapter 3.

4) Organise Gender Sensitisation and

Accessibility Awareness Programmes

for all Public-facing Personnel from

traffic cops and law-and-order police

to toll booth operators, et. al.

Gender sensitisation and accessibility

awareness programmes may be encouraged

for all personnel in public spaces. Local bodies

and parastatal agencies, in partnership with

private sector organisations or relevant CSOs

may conduct training and workshops to

improve gender sensitivity and accessibility

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Enhancing Social Inclusion in the New-age Digital Economy

| 71

awareness. This would help prioritise and

improve accessibility of public spaces and

safety of women and PwDs. This may

especially be introduced in the transport

and mobility sector where bus drivers, bus

conductors, traffic police and RTO personnel,

toll booth operators, et al may be trained to

improve their engagement with women and

PwDs.

5) Incentivise Inclusive Businesses

Fiscal incentives such as tax-breaks or startup

grants may be provided for businesses that

provide livelihood opportunities where women

constitute a substantial portion (say, 30%) of

their workers. Likewise, a platform with high

accessibility or high degree of participation

of PwDs too may be rewarded with fiscal

incentives.

Other financial incentives may be considered

for women and PwDs on platforms who

provide services through the hospitality

sector, such as bread & breakfast facilities,

cloud kitchens, etc.

6) Make Aggregate Data Publicly Available

to Enable Robust Decision-making by

the Ecosystem

For implementation of these provisions, we

need adequate data on platform workers. In

order to have some reliable estimates, gig

and platform work must be included in new

categories in the NSSO surveys to accurately

ascertain their percentage in the Indian

economy. The e-SHRAM portal, a mega

platform for registration of all workers that

do not form a part of the formal enterprises

with linkage to Employee Provident Fund

Organisation (EPFO) and Employee State

Insurance Corporation (ESIC), can also be a

source of providing data on gig and platform

workers. The e-SHRAM portal provides

portability and access to various social security

and welfare schemes of the Central and State

governments. This portal can provide data

and information about gig and platform

workers such as their occupation, skill sets

and access to social security. This can help

in enabling them to access different social

security schemes and also in formulating new

schemes.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

World over, there is growing support for

universalising benefits that have traditionally

been tied to employment or one’s workplace

(Öktem, 2020; Ortiz, 2018; Ghai, 2015; Srivastava,

2008; Lautier, 2006; Duggal, 2005). The

enormous public attention being paid to the

gig and platform economy, and in particular,

the robust discussions being conducted

around portable benefits create an important

opportunity to examine how best to provide

economic security, via social protections, to

workers in the 21

century.

The new forms of employment entail work

relationships that are distinctively different

from the traditional or standard employment

Global Examples and

Suggestions for Social

Security for Gig &

Platform Workers in

India

contracts (generally considered to be long or

for a lifetime) which form the basis for existing

social security arrangements. The new forms

of employment are often not covered or

are only partially covered under prevailing

social security systems. It has, thus, become

essential that the social security framework

is reoriented to include the new forms of

employment in order to improve the quality

of new jobs generated, and also meet the

growing aspirations of a youthful population.

During the advent of the Covid-19 pandemic in

2020, governments and platform businesses,

the world over, formulated special measures

to grant social protection to platform workers.

72 |

Global Examples and Suggestions for Social Security for Gig & Platform Workers in India

| 73

This chapter sheds light on the various social

protection approaches taken around the

world for platform workers and how they

can pave the way to a well-structured social

protection regime, especially targeting this

specific group for a specific purpose.

6.1. UNDERSTANDING SOCIAL

SECURITY THROUGH

WORKER CLASSIFICATIONS

The world over, worker classification

determines a worker’s access to legal

protection and social security. Thus, in order

to understand social security in the 21st

century, we need to understand worker the

classifications. Traditionally, the labour market

world over bisects into formal and informal.

When an employer hires an employee

under an established working agreement

that includes wages or salary, defined work

hours, pension, maternity and health benefits,

disability and unemployment benefits, among

others, such employment is treated as formal.

Consequently, the employee is treated as a

formal worker. Conversely, informal work is

devoid of any established working agreement

and the resulting social security benefits.

Such a labourer is called an informal worker.

Thus, in the realms of the formal-informal

distinction, social security is essentially the

non-wage compensation afforded to the

employees in addition to their salary or wage.

Social protection is linked to employment itself,

with the worker classification determining a

worker’s access to social security.

Then there is the dichotomy of organised and

unorganised. The organised sector comprises

licensed organisations or incorporated

companies – such as factories, large

businesses, hotels, etc. – which are registered

and pay taxes. On the other hand, we have

the own-account enterprises forming the

unorganised sector of the economy. Thus, the

unorganised sector consists of unlicensed,

self-employed or unregistered economic

activity ranging from farming and rural

trade to running general stores or trading

handicrafts or handlooms. Platform work is

placed at the unique intersection of formal-

informal classification. A platform worker

exhibits the formal (payments and credit) as

well as informal (time management, dynamic

work relations) characteristics (Kumar &

Ramachandran, 2021).

The chapter first looks at initiatives undertaken

for offering social protection for platform

workers during Covid-19 in India and across

the world and then examines instances of

changes brought about in the regulatory

framework or measures for extending social

security to gig and platform workers in

different countries across the world. Drawing

on these initiatives from across the world, the

chapter provides suggestions for extending

social security to gig and platform workers.

6.2. EVIDENCE OF SOCIAL

PROTECTION FOR

PLATFORM WORKERS

DURING COVID-19

The dual health-cum-economic crisis of

Covid-19 has affected all facets of life in an

unprecedented fashion. No worker – including

the new-age gig and platform workers –

is immune to the fall-outs of this crisis. A

systematic study in 2020 documented the

measures taken by governments and platform

businesses to leverage and protect platform

workers against the pandemic. Platform

workers emerged as superheroes who kept

neighbourhoods connected, and ensured the

supply of essential goods and movement of

essential personnel (The Economic Times,

2020)

. By working closely with city authorities,

23 This was in the backdrop of nationwide lockdowns

across the world and pertinently in India on account

of the public health emergency precipitated by the

Covid-19 pandemic.

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6.2.1. Case Study: How is India Protecting and Leveraging the Platform

Economy Against Covid-19?

Source: Adapted from Raman & Ramachandran, 2020b; Government of India, 2020

I. Protective measures taken by platform businesses

Platforms like Ola, Uber, Urban Company, Swiggy, Zomato, Dunzo, Flipkart, Big Basket, and

Delhivery implemented the following measures to protect workers and their families.

1. Supporting the livelihood of workers and their families

a. Providing health access for all and expanding paid leave

i. Providing health access and insurance and covering medical expenses

1. Ola has facilitated free medical help for all driver-partners and their families.

The driver-partners and their spouses will be covered by a sum of INR

30,000 under which they will receive a compensation of INR 1,000 per day

for a maximum of 21 days for an individual from the date they are tested

positive for Covid-19. The cover would include their hospital expenses and

home quarantine prescribed by a doctor.

2. Urban Company is contributing INR 1.5 Cr to a Covid-19 relief fund to help

the families of 30,000 gig workers.

b. Offering paid sick leave

i. Delhivery, India’s courier pickup and delivery company has provided paid sick

leave for 40,000+ central and field employees and partners. This policy will

continue through Covid-19 outbreak, with no stipulated end date.

2. Securing income and livelihoods of gig workers and small business

i. Safeguarding small businesses

1. Ola has created a corpus of INR 20 Cr, called the “Drive the Driver Fund” to

support auto-rickshaw, cab, kaali-peeli and taxi drivers to mitigate the effects

of the lockdown on their income.

platforms and platform workers laid a strong

foundation of social partnerships, thus paving

the way for a far more resilient world. Thanks

to digitalisation, drivers affiliated to passenger

mobility platforms were able to ferry the elderly

and other vulnerable groups to hospitals,

while doubling up as delivery personnel

delivering medicines, food, and groceries to

those in need. Furthermore, platforms forged

technology-based partnerships offering last-

mile logistic support transporting medicines,

life-saving equipment, etc., and movement

of fresh produce from farms to markets in

a safe manner, among others (Raman &

Ramachandran, 2020b).

Globally, both the government and the

platform businesses implemented a plethora

of measures to protect the lives and livelihoods

of platform workers. Such initiatives are

presented in sections 6.2.1 and 6.2.2.

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2. Ola has partnered with Avail Finance under the Ola Sahyog initiative to enable

instant access to cash for 100,000 eligible driver-partner families across the

country. This would provide crucial credit of INR 1200 per week for three weeks

to foot household expenses, set off against future earnings on the platform.

ii. Waiving lease and insuring payments

1. Urban Company is extending interest-free business advances and delayed pay-

back periods to protect the gig workers, self-employed and small businesses

engaged with them.

3. Protecting workers in the work environment

a. Strengthening operational safety and health measures

i. Securing safety and health through training and education

1. Platforms have laun ched dedicated hot lines and websites to disseminate

information and take preventive action.

b. Mandating the use of hand sanitisers and masks

i. Platforms, particularly, those handling food and other deliveries have mandated

the use of hand sanitizers and masks by their driving

and delivery partners and require them to wash their hands regularly and

observe “coughing etiquette” as specified by WHO and health ministries

around the world.

c. Adapting the work environment

i. Enabling contactless deliveries: To ensure the safety of workers during this

emergency, food and grocery delivery platforms have developed no-contact

protocols and temperature checks for its personnel.

ii. Physical separation: Ride-hail platforms have provided drivers with masks and

sanitizers, created physical separation between driver and passenger cabins,

and mandated regular cleaning of taxis.

iii. Servicing new markets, from food delivery to grocery and medicine delivery

iv. Going digital: encouraging card-less, cashless payments, “no-contact” payments

II. Protective measures taken by the government

To stimulate the economy and labour demand in these challenging times, governments

have announced discretionary measures supplementing existing social safety nets and

insurance mechanisms.

1. Active fiscal policy & accommodative monetary policy

a. Active fiscal policies include social protection measures ranging from targeted

transfers to automatic stabilisers such as unemployment benefits, and public

investment and tax relief for the self-employed, gig workers, and Micro, Small, and

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Medium Enterprises (MSMEs). Accommodative monetary policies consist of interest

rate reductions, reserve rate relaxation, and targeted liquidity provisions.

b. While over 20 State Governments in India announced a series of measures, the

Central Government too for its part announced additional cash transfers, medical

insurance cover, and in-kind transfer of wheat/ rice and pulses to beneficiaries

under various existing schemes.

2. Lending and financial support to specific sectors

a. India is extending collateral-free loans up to INR 20 lakh each to women in Self

Help Groups.

b. Under the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan, India has announced an INR 20 lakh crore

package on May 12th, 2020, to cater to various sections including cottage industry,

MSMEs, labourers, middle class, industries, among others.

III. Leveraging the Platform Economy for Recovery and Resilience

a. A few governments are choosing to take an active approach to utilise and expand the

services of gig workers and make them an integral part of crisis management. These

include measures to tap into companies’ resources and logistical networks, and the

skills of their gig workers.

b. In India, the Kerala State Civil Supplies Corporation (Supplyco) in Kochi, partnered

with food delivery service Zomato to enlist grains and other essentials on the app.

By restricting payment to online mode only and by roping in Zomato’s expertise in

packaging to train their staff, this action shows the state’s commitment to public health

and well-being as well as the willingness to cooperate with the private sector.

c. The ride-hailing platform, Ola, has supported the local administration in Bengaluru

(Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike, BBMP), India, to provide transportation for

health workers to visit people quarantined at home and ensure their well-being. Ola

and other platforms facilitated visits of health workers to around 20,000 households in

the city. Ola has additionally pledged 500 cabs for the state government of Karnataka

to transport healthcare workers and medicines, and for other emergency purposes.

d. The Government of India’s Union Health Ministry allowed the doorstep delivery of

essential medicines to curb the need for movement. Many states are following this

approach for large-scale immunisation as well.

e. The Government of India provided an enabling environment for online grocery stores

to deliver food and essentials to shut-in families during the ongoing lockdown. This

enabled the hiring of a larger number of warehouse workers and delivery partners as

online orders increased.

f. Further, the Government of India notified all States and Union Territories to exempt

e-commerce operations from any prohibitory order during the lockdown in view of the

necessity to ensure smooth delivery of essential goods and services to all citizens while

practicing physical distancing.

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g. With the need for housing away from home on the rise due to mandatory self-isolation,

hospitality aggregator Oyo offered rooms for quarantines to the Delhi government. Oyo

has also offered crucial free or highly subsidised homes to medical professionals and

first responders.

6.2.2. Case Study: Global Best Practices on Protecting and Leveraging

the Platform Economy against Covid-19

USA

In 2020, New York City offered help to the gig workers, who were licensed with the Taxi &

Limousine Commission, by getting them delivery work (Dickey, 2020). The jobs came with

minimum wage guarantee, paid as much as USD 15, apart from reimbursement for gas

mileage and tolls. On similar lines, delivery company Postmates had created a relief fund

to support medical expenses of delivery persons affected by Covid-19 (Shieber, 2020). This

provided social security to those suffering from income loss in the wake of business closures.

The FinTech community in the UK came together to build a “Covid Credit”, that would allow

sole traders to self-certify lost income. Their aim was to extend govern ment relief, which was

otherwise meant for salaried workers, to now be expanded to the self-employed, gig workers,

and small businesses through this Open Banking technology (O’Hear, 2020).

Singapore

In Singapore, Grab offered driver and delivery-partners a one-off income support of USD 500-

1,000, and a reimbursement of the rental fee for drivers. Additionally, driver-partners were

given a supplemental income for 90 days, through a Special Relief Fund,which consisted of a

combination of daily allowance from the Government and weekly cover by Grab (Grab, 2020).

South Africa

South African startup, Yoco Card Machines accelerated the development of its remote

payment product to enable transfers on its client network through weblink. Yoco is a leading

payments partner for small businesses and this move benefitted them largely, with the

pandemic restricting movement. It also issued a directive to clients to encourage customers

to use the contactless payment option on its point of sale machines (Carraro, 2020).

China

DiDi Chuxing launched a Covid-19 insurance programme that offered medical emergency

allowances to drivers who were working while other means of public transportation in China

were suspended or considered unsafe. DiDi Chuxing engages 20 million drivers and delivery-

partners (couriers), who were also given additional cover, through a USD 10 million Relief

Fund for Covid-19 infected drivers and couriers in all the countries it operates in (BusinessWire,

2020).

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Hong Kong

UberEats in Hong Kong waived off its service fee for independent restaurants and reduced

it for all other restaurant partners to keep the delivery service afloat, while supporting

businesses, during the first wave of the pandemic. Additionally, it provided them with the

option to receive daily payments instead of weekly, in order to maintain cash flow and pay

suppliers and staff (Korosec, 2020).

India

In India, a similar initiative was led by the Kerala State Civil Supplies Corporation (Supplyco)

in Kochi, where they partnered with food delivery service Zomato to enlist grains and

other essentials on the app. Thereafter, the payment mode was restricted to online

mode only and Zomato’s expertise in packaging to train their staff was leveraged as well.

On the other hand, brands such as Flipkart, BigBasket and Grofers were granted permission

to service grocery requests in cities. This enabled the hiring of a larger number of warehouse

workers and delivery partners as online orders increased, offsetting job losses in other sectors

such as travel & tourism, sales and restaurant service to a certain extent (Shrivastava, 2020).

The Government of India, too, had notified all States and Union Territories

to exempt e-commerce operations from any prohibitory order (Ministry of Home Affairs,

2020) during the nation-wide lockdown.

The evidence of social protection for platform

workers across different economies of the

world during the pandemic, highlights the

unique nature and requirements of this new

form of work. These initiatives and measures

show examples of how social security can be

planned at the firm level. Existing designs of

social protection were insufficient in covering

platform workers, who needed a range of

additional interventions such as customised

health insurance, daily allowances from

the government to cover income loss, and

accelerating development of online payments

modes. This existing evidence of innovative

social security provisions for platform workers

not only underscores how their potential can

truly be leveraged, but also indicates the need

to redesign social security programmes to

meet the unique demands of the changing

future of work.

6.3. CONTEMPORARY CHAL-

LENGES TO REGULATORY

FRAMEWORK FOR GIG

AND PLATFORM WORKERS:

A GLOBAL ABSTRACT

Even as platformization has spread across

different economies of the world, the

characteristics of platform workers across

nations starkly differ. As has been the case

for many economic models, including the

adoption of the formal-informal dichotomy,

the concepts and ideas around platform

economy are too being largely viewed from

the lens of developed nations.

Platformization began in the US in 2008, and

despite the key overlapping aspects of the

work, the nature of the workforce has been

remarkably different in emerging economies.

While emerging and developing countries

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represent 82% of world employment, 93% of

the world’s informal employment is in these

countries (ILO, 2018). Maximum employment

in the informal sector can be seen in Africa

at 85.8%, followed by 68.2% in Asia and the

Pacific, 68.6 per cent in the Arab States, 40.0

per cent in the Americas and 25.1 per cent

in Europe and Central Asia (ibid). Below is a

timeline of how the regulatory framework

with respect to platform work has been

evolving around the world.

6.3.1. USA

 Current size of informal workforce: 18.6% (ILO, 2018)

 Late 2000s

 The founding of Airbnb, Uber, Snap, Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, Open Table

catalysed the platform revolution in the second decade of the 21st century (Acs

et al, 2021).

 Platforms in the sharing economy (AirBnB, Uber) were formed in response to the

global financial crisis of 2007-‘09 (ILO, 2021; Hall & Ince, 2017).

 2010 onwards

 Platform workers are treated as independent contractors, but businesses assure

them benefits by working with them to create and fund their workers association

(Reis & Chand, 2020, Farmer, 2020a; Isaac & Sheiber, 2016).

 2019-20

 57 million gig workers (McCue, 2018).

 Three states – New Jersey, California and Massachusetts challenge worker status.

Worker unions demand that the workers be treated as employees (Kerr, 2019; GWC

Law, 2020).

 California becomes the first state to change its labour law and grant gig workers

more labour protections with Assembly Bill 5 (AB-5) (California Legislative Information,

2019), that came into effect in January 2020.

 The law expanded the definition of an employee, making it harder for employ-

ers to classify regular workers as independent contractors, forcing companies

to shift classification of these workers to employees.

 AB-5 proposes an ABC-test to determine the employment status of workers

associated with platforms and companies (DIR, 2019).

 Under this test, a worker is considered an employee and not an independent

contractor, unless the hiring entity satisfies the following three conditions (ibid):

i. The worker is free from the control and direction of the hiring entity

with respect to the performance of the work, under the contract for the

performance of the work as well as in fact;

ii. The worker performs work that is classified outside the usual work of the

hiring entity’s business; and

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iii. The worker is customarily engaged in an independently established trade,

occupation, or business of the same nature as that involved in the work

performed.

 The law mandates by the courts and extends labour protections like paid leave

to about one million people who were formerly classified as contractors.

 Opponents say, instead of protecting them, the new law is taking away their

livelihood because clients don’t want to risk running afoul of the requirements

for California-based freelancers (Farmer, 2020b).

 As a result AB-5 will increase labour costs, which would be transferred to the

consumers and reduce the flexibility of workers.

 The Bill unintentionally affects truck drivers working as independent contrac-

tors. It makes it difficult for drivers to work for themselves. AB-5 presumes

all workers are employees. Therefore, Carriers would either have to convert all

independent contractors into employees, or terminate their agreements and

hire a new fleet of drivers (Brin, 2021).

 By early Sep. 2020, over 100 exemptions and limitations were made to the

original law (AB-5). The Sep. exemption was introduced for the benefit of the

music industry workers. The practical effect is that a test different from the

ABC-test would be used to determine status of workers in the music industry

(Oncidi, Gold & Deserio, 2020).

 2020

 Californians vote for Proposition 22 (Prop-22), one of the 12 initiatives that appeared

on the ballot for votes on 3rd November 2020 along with the US presidential

elections. It exempts gig companies in the ridesharing and food delivery industries

from AB-5, which requires them to treat workers as employees (O’Donnell, 2020).

 Platform workers would thus remain flexible, gig-based workers while also gaining

benefits like assured earnings to the tune of 120% of minimum wages and rebates

on healthcare, owed by the platform/ Network Company (ibid).

 Through the Prop-22, “The Protect App-Based Drivers and Services Act” came into

being and ensured that rideshare and delivery workers continue to reap benefits

of flexible, gig-based work, alongside economic security.

 2021

 In August 2021, Alameda Superior Court declares Prop-22 as “unconstitutional”, a

decision that has since been challenged (National Law Review, 2021; Bloomberg

Law, 2021).

6.3.2. UK

 Current size of informal workforce: 13.6% (ILO, 2018)

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 The UK is the only country to have the “worker” category between employees and the

self-employed. This categorisation gives them entitlements such as national minimum

wage and paid holiday, but does not give them full employment rights, such as the

right to not be unfairly dismissed (PwC, 2021; Government of UK, 2021).

 Launch timeline of select platforms:

 2007: PeoplePerHour

 2009: AnyVan

 2010: Fiverr

 2011: Hailo (later, myTaxi; now, FREENOW)

 2012: Uber launches in the UK; treats its workers as independent contractors

 2013: TaskRabbit, Deliveroo

 2015: UpWork

 2016: AmazonFlex, UberEats

 2016

 The UK Government commi ssions Matthew Taylor, former head of ex-PM Tony

Blair’s policy unit, to review modern workers’ rights and practices, including platform

work; and to look at a range of issues, including workplace insecurity and anxiety,

parental rights, access to pensions, and holiday pay (Mason, 2016).

 Labour employment tribunal rules that Uber drivers are not self-employed and

should be paid the “national living wage” and holiday pay (Osborne, 2016).

 2017

 Good Work: The Taylor Review of Modern Working Practices by Matthew Taylor,

publishes its findings and recommendations

 The report calls for a new “dependent contractor” category of worker. States

that gig economy workers and those on flexible contracts should, through this

new status, receive benefits such as sick pay and holiday leave (Quinn, 2017).

 The status would also mean they are obliged to pay National Insurance

contributions, which was otherwise avoided through gig workers being

classified as “self-employed” (Taylor et al, 2017).

 Uber challenges the 2016 employment tribunal ruling and loses (Davies, 2017).

 The Independent Workers’ Union of Great Britain, which backed the appeal,

says drivers will still be able to enjoy the freedoms of self-employment – such

as flexibility in choosing shifts – even if they have worker status.

 2018

 The government publishes its response to the Good Work report, launches four

consultations into employment status, increasing transparency in the labour market,

agency and atypical workers, and enforcement of employment rights (ClarksLegal,

2019).

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 The government also releases a report, The Characteristics of those in the Gig

Economy – Final Report, in February 2018. The report posits that 4.4% of the

population in Great Britain had worked in the gig economy in 2017-18 (Department

for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy, 2018).

 Uber introduces new insurance plan for its drivers and couriers across Europe,

including the UK (Topham & Butler, 2018)

 The plan to be free of cost for the drivers.

 Drivers who have completed 150 trips in the past two months, or Uber Eats

couriers who have completed at least 30 deliveries to be eligible.

 Plan to cover £1,000 for maternal care, with sick pay for injured drivers after a

week capped at £1,125 (ibid).

 2019

 The government holds three more consultations on one-sided flexibility (addressing

unfair flexible working practices), establishing a single enforcement body for

employment rights and proposals to support families (The Law Society, 2020).

 In the December 2019 Queen’s speech, the government made its proposals to

introduce an employment bill, which would include changes already anticipated

by the Good Work Plan. However, no progress has been made on this front yet

(Ozanne, 2021).

 2021

 Growth in platform work

 2016-’19: People performing platform work at least once a week grew from 5.8% of

the working population in 2016 to 11.8% in 2019 rising to 14.7% in 2021; equivalent

to approximately 4.4 million people (TUC, 2021).

 In February 2021, the Supreme Court unanimously rules (Russon, 2021) that Uber’s

drivers are workers as:

 The company controls everything, from the fare to the number of rides they

can reject before being penalised.

 Uber’s drivers are working from the moment they are logged into the app,

even if they are waiting for a ride, and not just when they are actively ferrying

passengers.

 In March, Uber reclassifies its 70,000 driver-partners in the UK as “workers” (Pitas,

2021).

 New benefits under this reclassification (Davies, 2021):

 Minimum wage: Uber worker will earn the minimum wage (£8.72 per hour

for people aged 25+) after accepting a trip and after expenses.

 Paid Holiday Time: With 12.07% of earnings paid out every two weeks.

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 Pension Plan: Paid into by both Uber and the worker, if the worker is eligible

(Government of UK, 2020). Here, Uber’s contributions will be 3% of a driver’s

earnings.

 Continuation of old benefits: Free insurance in case of sickness or injury as

well as parental payments, which have been in place for all drivers since 2018,

and continued support from Uber’s Clean Air Plan in London, which has so far

raised over £120m for drivers switching to an electric vehicle.

 In November, Uber challenges a small part of the Supreme Court ruling, where a

judge’s comments suggest the tech firm should enter into a direct contract with

passengers when providing car journeys. Uber’s contention is that passengers enter

a contract with the drivers affiliated with Uber, while Uber maintains a contractual

relationship with drivers (Milligan, 2021).

 In December, the UK High Court rules that Uber’s existing business model is

unlawful. The judgement has ramifications for the entire ride-hailing industry in the

UK, with the potential of an indirect price rise, with Uber and others now liable for

VAT, which could add up to 20% more to the cost of a trip (Lomas, 2021; Topham,

2021; Keane, 2021).

6.3.3. European Union

 The European Union at present has a draft underway that will reclassify platform

workers as employees if their work fits certain criteria, set minimum rights for these

workers, but allow countries under the EU to take forward the implementation as per

their needs (Haeck, 2021a).

 The Netherlands

 Current size of informal workforce: 9.4% (ILO, 2018)

 In 2021, a Dutch Court rules that the legal relationship between Uber and the drivers

aligns with all the characteristics of an employment relationship: work, salary and

authority (Haeck, 2021b)

 As a result, the platform will have to “employ” over 4,000 drivers and pay them by

the rules of the collective labour agreement of the taxi industry (ibid).

 France

 Current size of informal workforce: 9.8% (ILO, 2018).

 In 2020, Cour de Cassation, France’s top court recognises the right of an Uber driver

to be considered an employee, stating that these drivers could not qualify as a self-

employed contractor because he could not build his own clientele or set his own

prices, making him a subordinate of the company (Al Jazeera, 2020).

 Spain

 Current size of informal workforce: 27.3% (ILO, 2018).

 In 2020, Spain’s top court rules that platform businesses must officially hire drivers

as “employees” (Pymnts, 2021).

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 A year later, in 2021, Spain’s government pledges to clarify the legal status of couriers

working for online delivery firms, saying they should be considered employees

rather than “gig” workers (France24, 2021).

 Later in the year, Spain government enacts legislation that recognises riders working

for delivery firms such as Deliveroo and UberEats as salaried staff. Spain becomes

the first country in the EU to do so (ibid).

6.3.4. Indonesia

 Current size of informal workforce: 85.6% (ILO, 2018).

 2015

 Platform economy gains attention, particularly with the popularisation of platform-

based online motorbike taxi services, Ojek (Rachmawati et al, 2021).

 Platform businesses adopt a “partnership model” with their drivers, to offer greater

freedom and flexibility in terms of hours and work arrangements. These driver

partners are classified as temporary contractors (Mulia, 2021).

 2018

 Platform services expand beyond ride-hailing to offer last-mile delivery and food

delivery (ibid).

 The on-demand economy in Indonesia, thus, provides workers with an alternative

to existing low wages and underemployment in the informal economy (Fanggidae,

V. et al, 2018).

 2021

 No-work strikes are carried out by drivers/couriers working with platform businesses,

to express dissatisfaction with low incentive schemes (Mulia, 2021).

 Youth organisation, Emancipate, initiates an online petition, which will be sent to

the Manpower Minister, on getting 10,000 signatories. The petition demands new

regulations to ensure decent income schemes, humane workloads, labour rights,

and legal assistance when needed for couriers (ibid).

6.3.5. India

 Current size of informal workforce: 92.5% (Ramana Murthy, 2019; NCEUS, 2007)

 2017

 The Delhi Commerce Driver Union, representing 1.5 lakh drivers in the city, moves

High Court seeking employee status (NDTV, 2017).

 The Court directs the central government, as well as the state government to

clarify their stand on the issue of worker classification. The case is moved to an

employment tribunal where it is pending (Surie, 2018).

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 2019-2020

 The government introduces the Code on Social Security 2020. The Code acknowledges

gig and platform workers outside the traditional employer-employee arrangement.

 The Union Road Transport Ministry issues fresh guidelines for motor vehicle

aggregators that regulates working conditions for the platform drivers (Singh,

2020c).

 The driver should receive 80% of the fare from each ride, 20% will go to the

aggregator.

 The aggregator will be allowed to charge only 50% lower than the base fare.

 Drivers to not be permitted to work for more than 12 hours in a day.

 Companies to provide them insurance cover (ibid).

 2021

 During the Budget 2021-22, the Finance Minister announces that minimum wages

will apply to all categories of workers, including the gig and platform workers, and

that they will be covered by Employee State Insurance Corporation (ESIC) (Khan,

2021).

 The Ministry of Labour and Employment launches the e-Shram portal, which will

The portal would have the following benefits (Ministry of Labour & Employment,

2021):

 After registering, the worker will get an Accidental Insurance cover of INR2Lakhs

under the Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY) and premium for

the first year will be borne by the Ministry of Labour & Employment

 In future, all the social security benefits of unorganised workers will be delivered

through this portal. In emergency and national pandemic like situations,

this database may be utilised to provide necessary assistance to the eligible

unorganised workers.

 A petition is filed in the Supreme Court of India, urging the Court to direct the

Government to extend social security benefits to “gig and platform workers”

engaged with Ola Cabs, Uber, Zomato and Swiggy, and have them treated as

employees (“workman” under existing laws) (Singh, 2021; Suryam, 2021).

 The petition is jointly filed by a registered union and a federation of trade unions

representing app-based transport and delivery workers, and two individual drivers

who have worked with Ola Cabs and Uber.

 The Supreme Court seeks response from the Centre on the plea. Matter to be

heard in 2022 (Roy, 2021).

24 E-SHRAM portal: Frequently Asked Questions, Q8 and Q21.

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Apart from the above mentioned countries,

other countries such as Italy, Uruguay, Austra-

lia and New Zealand, that have a significant

presence of the platform economy, are also in

midst of debates around the classification of

platform workers (Armellini & Sage, 2021; Carli,

2021; Healey, 2021).

The proportion of informal workforce is

remarkably high in the global South, as

compared to the global North. Whereas

countries like the USA (18.6%), UK (13.6%), and

Spain (27.3%) have a relatively small informal

sector, the global South paints a contrasting

picture with India (93%), Indonesia (85.6%),

and China (54.4%) (ILO, 2018) showing high

levels of informality. Not only is the proportion

of informality higher in these nations, but

their enormous population further adds to

their existing structural insecurities.

In countries of the global North, web-

based jobs are performed by a low-skilled

workforce, whereas, in the global South,

these jobs are carried out by relatively more

skilled professionals (Tabares, 2019). In terms

of preference for independent work, only 20

to 30% of the working age population in the

United States and European Union opted

for it. Within them, over half the individuals

engaged in order to supplement their income

from traditional jobs, and around 30% chose

them out of necessities such as inability to

find a traditional job (McKinsey, 2017). On the

other hand, in emerging economies of the

global South that witness a high degree of

informalisation, access to traditional jobs is

limited and independent or informal work is

a more prevalent option.

In the light of the above evidence, it can

be seen that the purpose of platform jobs

is markedly different in the global North

and global South; and hence the structural

challenges may also differ. As evidenced

in Indonesia, since the advent of platform

work in 2015, the number of mobility sector

workers increased by 5,00,000 within a year

(Rachmawati et al, 2021). Consequently,

Indonesia’s unemployment rate fell from

6.18% to 5.61% in that duration (ibid).

The on-demand economy provides workers

with an alternative to existing low wages

and underemployment in the informal

economy, as seen in Indonesia (Fanggidae,

V. et al, 2018). Additionally, individuals may

have greater flexibility and choice of work

and gain additional benefits, which otherwise

informal sector workers are deprived of. In the

UK, for instance, even before being classified

as “worker”, platform workers enjoyed several

benefits, such as free insurance in case of

sickness or injury, parental payments which

have been in place for all drivers since 2018,

and continued support from Uber’s Clean

Air Plan in London, which has so far raised

over £120m for drivers switching to an electric

vehicle (Davies, 2021).

It is clear that the need of the hour is to

acknowledge the unique features of a

platform worker. In such an event, the worker

entitlements for platform economy must

also be designed specifically to cater to their

unique requirements.

6.4. BEST PRACTICES

This section throws light on some of the best

practices followed by countries in providing

entitlements to platform workers, without

compromising on their worker classification

status. These practices can serve as a blueprint

for the rest of the world in shaping the social

security ecosystem with the changing future

of work.

6.4.1. Indonesia

Indonesia is one among the few countries

globally that has adapted its regulatory

frameworks and enforcement mechanisms to

ensure social protection coverage for platform

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| 87

workers. Indonesia has introduced a digital

mechanism to securitise digital platforms

commonly used for motorcycle taxi rides in

the country. When using the application, a

small amount of the tariff is automatically

deducted for accident insurance of both the

driver and the passenger for the length of the

trip (ILO, 2018).

Further, Indonesia’s social insurance

administration organisation called Badan

Penyelenggara Jaminan Sosial(BPJS) has

introduced a set of reforms that address

the exclusionary design of conventional

worker entitlement policies tied to status

of employment. The two key schemes

introduced by BPJS are – BPJS Kesehatan

for universal health insurance and BPJS

Ketenagakerjaan for worker insurance. The

latter offers affordable future protection and

guarantees to the workers (Yoel & Hasym,

2021).

On registering as a member of BPJS

Ketenagakerjaan, workers get access to

three types of insurance: Old-Age Insurance

(Jaminan Hari Tua or JHT), Work Accidental

Insurance (Jaminan Kecelakaan Kerja or JKK),

and Death Insurance (Jaminan Kematian

or JKM). The eligibility for such schemes

was limited to company workers, under the

Jaminan Sosial Tenaga Kerja (Jamsostek

or Social Insurance for Workers). However,

since the scheme has been rechristened to

BPJS Ketenagakerjaan, it has expanded its

scope to include even those who have a

job outside of a work relationship such as

traders, fishermen, bloggers, artists, athletes,

motorcycle taxi drivers, gig workers and other

independent workers (ibid).

Moreover, independent workers can get

greater cover under BPJS’ Non-Wage

Recipient (Bukan Penerima Upah or BPU)

program, getting access to guarantees from

BPJS Ketenagakerjaan and also the same

facilities as workers in the formal sector.

Some of the benefits under BPU cover are –

care and medical facilities if a worker meets

with an accident at work, full cover for three

months in case a worker is unable to work as

a result of an occupational disease or work

accident (ibid).

In order to fund social security programmes

and mitigate the economic impact of the

pandemic, in 2020, Indonesia has imposed

a 10% value-added tax on digital services

provided by non-resident companies

(Yu,2020). Even though there was no specific

assistance programme for the online ojek

drivers, the government provided financial

assistance to them through its direct cash

assistance programme, Bantuan Langsung

Tunai (BLT). The programme assisted

those whose earnings were impacted by

the pandemic, by providing cash (US$ 43)

per month for three consecutive months

(Rachmawati et al, 2021).

6.4.2. Uruguay

Uruguay has an application to facilitate

mandatory social security coverage for all taxi

drivers, including those operating through

online platforms, which builds on its efforts

of simplified tax and contribution collection

mechanisms for the self-employed and

micro-enterprises (ILO, 2018).

Self-employed individuals and small

businesses that are eligible for Monotax

(unified contributions) can either choose to

pay that on the revenue generated by their

activities (called “Monotributo” in Uruguay),

or contribute to ordinary social security and

taxes (except import taxes) (ILO, 2014). These

Monotax contributions are collected by the

Uruguayan Social Security Institute (BPS) that

transfers a proportion to the fiscal authority.

The remaining amount is used by the BPS

to finance social security benefits for those

affiliated through the scheme and their

families. Monotax members can also include

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one-person businesses, for whom the Social

Monotax (Monotributo Social MIDES) has

been created. This Social Monotax can also be

availed by individuals in households earning

below the poverty line or in situations of socio-

economic vulnerability (ILO, 2014).

Uruguay has, thus, introduced adapted

mechanisms for its platform workers. In its

G20 document on social protection, the ILO

notes, “Where such mechanisms are part

of the general social insurance scheme or

foresee portability arrangements, workers

transitioning from one form of employment

to another, or combining different types of

employment, will not see their social security

coverage interrupted or reduced. At the same

time, the coverage of this type of worker

helps to ensure a level playing field and a fair

competitive environment among economic

actors in the “old” and “new” economy.” (ILO,

2018)

6.4.3. India

The Ministry of Labour and Employment,

Government of India, in August 2021, launched

the e-SHRAM portal. The portal is a first-ever

national database of unorganised workers,

including construction workers, gig and

platform workers, migrant workers, among

others (PIB, 2021b). The centralised database,

seeded with Aadhaar, will give the registered

workers access to an Accidental Insurance

cover of INR 2 lakhs under the Pradhan

Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY). The

premium for the first year will be borne by

the Ministry of Labour & Employment for

this scheme. The government envisages

e-SHRAM as a unified window, wherein all

future social security benefits of unorganised

workers will be delivered through this portal.

In emergency and national pandemic

situations, this database will be utilised to

provide necessary assistance to the eligible

unorganised workers (Government of India,

2021).

As of March 2022, more than 27 crore infor-

mal workers have registered on the portal, of

which 52% were from the agricultural sec-

tor, domestic and household workers (9.9%)

and construction workers (9.1%) (e-SHRAM

dashboard, 2022). When coupled with CoSS

2020, e-SHRAM portal can expand the scope

of social security by giving a large number

of platform workers access to government

sponsored schemes. The blueprint and op-

erationalising of CoSS 2020 have been dis-

cussed at length in the following section.

6.4.4. CoSS 2020: Expanding the

Scope of Social Security

Expanding the scope of social security, the

Code on Social Security 2020 defines it as

“the measures of protection afforded to

employees, unorganised workers, gig workers

and platform workers to ensure access to

health care and to provide income security,

particularly in cases of old age, unemployment,

sickness, invalidity, work injury, maternity or

loss of a breadwinner by means of rights

conferred on them and schemes framed,

under this Code.” The Code also provides for

the setting up of a Social Security Fund for

social security benefits to gig and platform

workers with contributions from aggregators/

platforms (between 1-2% of annual turnover),

workers and the government. (Ministry of

Labour and Employment, 2020a).

The Code, therefore, acknowledges gig and

platform workers as a distinct category.

Extending social security to those associated

in non-traditional work relations such as

platforms is key to addressing the social

security gap in India and elsewhere. The

RAISE framework presented in the box

below presents a five-pronged approach to

operationalising the Code on Social Security

(CoSS) 2020, as Central and State governments

formulate the rules under CoSS 2020.

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RAISE approach to

operationalising CoSS 2020

As Central and State governments

formulate rules under CoSS 2020, they

could adopt the five-pronged RAISE

approach to ensure realisation of full

access to social security for all gig and

platform workers

(Ramachandran,

Raman & Singh, 2021).

Recognise the varied nature

of platform work to design

equitable schemes

Platform businesses within and across

industries are inherently different in their

nature of work. To elaborate, the business

model and revenues of a rideshare platform

could vary based on the services being

aggregated, the size and scale of operations

of the platform, the specific segments of

workers and customers the platforms cater

to (e.g: all-women rideshare platforms

catering to women customers alone), etc.

Further, platform workers can be associat-

ed with multiple platforms simultaneously

or in different time periods through the

year and through their lifetime. Addition-

ally, an individual could be both a platform

worker and employed in the organised or

unorganised sectors simultaneously.

These factors should be taken into

consideration while designing schemes

that determine the contribution of funds

to the central social protection corpus.

In so doing, the government can ensure

that schemes are inclusive and afford

maximum coverage for workers, and

25 The following is an excerpt from Issue Brief,

‘‘Reimagining Social Protection in the 21st century:

Operationalising the Code on Social Security 2020’,

by the Ola Mobility Institute (Ramachandran, Raman

& Singh, 2021) reproduced with permission.

platforms of all sizes and revenues are able

to protect workers while also continuing

their business. This would also ensure

flexibility of the worker to engage with

multiple kinds of work and achieve greater

income security.

Allow augmentation of social

security through innovative

financing mechanisms

Social security schemes must be designed

in a way that allows platform workers

the choice to avail additional social

protection cover such as health or life

insurance through financial institutions

like insurance companies, banks, NBFCs,

new-age FinTech businesses, etc.

Today, FinTech companies are making

insurance accessible and affordable

to platform workers and blue-collared

workers across industries (Mishra, 2020). By

adding millions of youngsters to the pool of

those insured, such micro-insurance, tech-

powered initiatives are lowering the risk

and the insurance premium by extension.

For platform workers who shall be

protected under the Code on Social

Security, the option of choosing top-ups

empowers the worker to secure cover

for other beneficiaries apart from the

ones covered in the scheme, and also

cater to healthcare expenses not covered

by the government schemes. Therefore,

platform workers should be allowed to

top up insurance limits through voluntary

additional premiums in the public or the

private sectors.

Additionally, the government can leverage

the e-SHRAM portal to combine products

like the National Pension Scheme, Atal

Pension Yojana with insurance and a

liquid mutual fund.

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Global Examples and Suggestions for Social Security for Gig & Platform Workers in India

Incorporate, while designing

schemes, the specific interests of

platforms, factoring the impact on

job creation, platform businesses

and workers

The very nature of platform work has

ensured the creation of millions of

livelihood opportunities, giving workers

the flexibility to increase their incomes

from multiple jobs. Furthermore, platforms

may not be limited to only one business

and could have multiple businesses

that may or may not engage platform

workers. Therefore, scientifically rigorous

methods for social security coverage

are needed that would promote job

creation and ensure minimum burden

on both workers and platform businesses.

Support workers to subscribe to

government schemes and welfare

programmes through widespread

awareness campaigns

Information, Education and Communica-

tion are key to increasing the awareness

and utilisation of social security schemes.

As the Code on Social Security 2020 is

operationalised, gig and platform workers

too need to be updated with all relevant

social security benefits they can avail. The

schemes must detail strong awareness

programmes in a manner that government

information reaches each and every worker.

Effective and widespread communication

is essential to raise awareness and ensure

every worker in India is truly protected

Ensure benefits are readily

accessible to workers

Platform workers are mobile i.e. they

can simultaneously work on multiple

platforms or in different states at different

time periods. They can also work in the.

organised or unorganised sectors on

the side. Such mobility makes workers

vulnerable to local-level policy differences

in accessing complete social security

benefits. Therefore, to ensure that benefits

are easily accessed by workers, universal

and portable social security measures are

important.

Here, India should leverage technology.

India is a global trailblazer in fostering

digital financial inclusion through the

unique IndiaStack platform for financial

transactions and Direct Benefit Transfers.

Likewise, while operationalising CoSS

2020, layering technology through all

the stages of accessing a scheme would

streamline distribution of funds. Harnessing

the power of technology, disbursement

of funds and grievance redressal can

be achieved for the digitally-proficient

platform workers across India. The recently

launched e-SHRAM portal achieves the

goals of facilitating ready access to social

security benefits to workers as well as

ensuring social protection is portable.

6.5. POLICY

RECOMMENDATIONS

Create Specific Policies to Promote

the Gig and Platform Economy and

Protect Workers

India requires a framework that balances

the flexibility offered by platforms while also

ensuring social security of workers.

The consequent platformization of work has

given rise to a new classification of labour —

platform labour — falling outside of the

purview of the traditional dichotomy of formal

and informal labour. Apart from impetus

through digitalisation, operating outside the

traditional “employer-employee” relationship

enables platforms to scale within and across

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Global Examples and Suggestions for Social Security for Gig & Platform Workers in India

| 91

geographies as well as sectors. Policies

need to keep in mind specific characteristics

of workers in these sectors. Based on good

practices identified in the previous sections,

the following suggestions are made for

framing policies and measures that can

be implemented by different stakeholders

viz. the platform firms, other private sector

actors, civil society organisations, and the

government, among others.

 Measures for Paid Sick Leave,

Health Access and Insurance: As

illustrated in section 6.2.1, as a part of

initiatives introduced to mitigate the

challenges posed by the Covid-19

pandemic platform firms such as

Ola, Uber, Urban Company, Swiggy,

Zomato, Dunzo, Flipkart, Big Basket,

and Delhivery provided sick leave,

health access and insurance covering

medical expenses of workers and

their families. Such measures for

paid sick leave, health access

and insurance may be adopted by

platforms as a part of their workplace

or work-engagement policies for

all the workers they engage. This

will have positive implications for

offering a social security cover to

platform workers engaged by these

firms.

 Occupational Disease and Work

Accident Insurance: As illustrated

in section 6.3.4, Indonesia is among

the few countries globally that has

adapted its regulatory frameworks

and enforcement mechanisms to

ensure social protection coverage

for platform workers. Indonesia has

introduced a digital mechanism

to securitise digital platforms

commonly used for motorcycle taxi

rides in the country. When using

the application, a small amount of

the tariff is automatically deducted

for accident insurance of both the

driver and the passenger for the

length of the trip. Ride-hailing,

delivery and e-commerce and other

platforms may adopt such a model

for providing accident insurance to

all delivery and driver partners across

India. Indonesia’s social insurance

administration organisation has

introduced an insurance programme

for gig and platform workers.

Some of the benefits under the

programme are care and medical

facilities if a worker meets with an

accident at work, full cover for three

months in case a worker is unable to

work as a result of an occupational

disease or work accident. It may

be explored to introduce such an

insurance programme that provides

social security support to workers in

the case of health emergencies and

accidents. These may be offered in

collaboration with the private sector

or government, as envisaged under

the Code on Social Security, 2020.

 Retirement/Pension Plans and

Other Contingency Benefits:

As illustrated in the section on

international regulations for gig and

platform workers, in the U.K., the

Supreme Court ruling in February

2021 led to the reclassification of

Uber’s driver-partners in the UK as

“workers”. New benefits under this

reclassification included a minimum

wage, paid holiday time, a pension

plan (paid into by both Uber and

the worker), continuation of old-

age benefits introduced since 2018

such as free insurance in case of

sickness or injury as well as parental

payments and platform company’s

support for drivers switching to an

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Global Examples and Suggestions for Social Security for Gig & Platform Workers in India

electric vehicle. On similar lines, gig

and platform firms need to adopt

policies that offer old age/retirement

plans and benefits and other

insurance cover for contingencies

such as injury arising from work

that may lead to loss of employment

and income. Such plans and policies

may be uniquely designed by a

firm, in partnership with insurance

companies, or could be designed

and offered in collaboration with the

government, as envisaged under the

Code on Social Security, 2020.

 Support to Workers in a Situation

of Irregularity of Work: The example

of New York City offering help to

gig workers in 2020 is illustrated in

section 6.2.2, who were licensed with

the Taxi & Limousine Commission,

by getting them delivery work

that came with a minimum wage

guarantee. On similar lines, such an

initiative may be incorporated by

gig and platform firms to provide

income support to workers. This will

be a critical step in providing assured

minimum earnings and social

security from income loss in the

wake of uncertainty or irregularity

in work.

 Supporting Small Businesses &

Entrepreneurs associated with

Platforms: As illustrated in section

6.2.1, as a part of initiatives introduced

to mitigate the challenges posed

by the Covid-19 pandemic, Urban

Company extended interest-free

business advances and delayed

payback periods to protect the

gig workers, self-employed and

small businesses engaged with

them. Kerala State Civil Supplies

Corporation in Kochi partnered with

food delivery service Zomato to

enlist grains and other essentials on

the app. Following such examples,

small businesses and entrepreneurs

can be encouraged to have linkages

with platforms to expand outreach

for their products and services.

 Contingency Cover out of a Corpus

Fund: As illustrated in section 6.2.1, in

order to support auto-rickshaw, cab,

kaali-peeli and taxi drivers to mitigate

the effects of the Covid-19 lockdown

on their income, Ola created a

corpus of INR 20 Cr, called the “Drive

the Driver Fund”. Measures such as

offering a social security cover out

of a corpus fund can help support

gig and platform workers and other

self-employed individuals associated

with the gig and platform sector in

case of contingencies.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

As the gig-platform economy grows, there

is a burgeoning interest from all quarters

to study its impact on the microeconomic

and macroeconomic levels. While this

report estimates the size of the gig-platform

workforce in India, demystifies the impact

of platformization on livelihoods in urban

India, outlines the characteristics of platform

labour and workers, and presents evidence

on its innovative practices to drive social and

financial inclusion, further research is needed

to improve our collective understanding of

the platform economy.

This chapter, therefore, outlines important

questions for future research.

The Future of the

Platform Economy –

A Research Agenda

7.1. THE SURVEY OF SMALL

PLATFORMS

The WESO 2021 report by the ILO notes that

India – like the rest of the world – witnessed

an exponential growth in digital platforms in

the last decade. At approximately 8% of the

world’s platforms, the number of platforms

in India is estimated to have increased from

10 or fewer in 2010 to over 60 in 2020 (ILO,

2021). While the report does not provide

a comprehensive list of platforms in India

even in the common categories of online

(a) web-based work, (b) passenger mobility,

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The Future of the Platform Economy – A Research Agenda

| 95

home services, journalistic accounts mention

widespread platformization of domestic

work, gardening, elder care, mechanic work,

at-home care, among others. For instance,

Delhi and Bengaluru had at least over 17

digital platforms for domestic work as of late

2019 (Tandon & Rathi, 2019). In the late 2010s,

several home cook aggregator platforms too

were launched in metro cities across the

country. Thus, numerous platforms of varying

sizes across all the professions listed above are

present in India. Their varied sizes warrant

suitable policy action, with no one-size-fits-

all approach.

For instance, while a large platform

might have the wherewithal to contribute

substantially to social security, a small

platform business with limited funding or

revenues may find it prohibitively expensive

to pay the necessary welfare fees or taxes.

Thus, a differentiated approach is warranted

to ensure that platforms of all sizes survive

and thrive. At present, the regulatory debate

around platform businesses takes a blanket

approach of treating all businesses the same.

However, the functioning and issues of small

platform businesses are not the same as

those of their bigger counterparts. Applying

uniform regulations and policy interventions

without accounting for how their impact

may vary according to the size of a platform,

would prove to be detrimental to the growth

of smaller businesses.

In this context, there is a need to conduct

a big survey of small platforms in India,

enumerating all platform businesses in the

country, ranking them by size, delineating

their characteristics based on a systematic

analysis, and recommending policy measures

for their growth in the years to come. As has

been India’s experience with the Micro, Small,

Medium Enterprise (MSME) sector, small firms

unlock jobs in the millions and contribute

substantially to the economy. They need to

be strengthened by leveraging technology,

improving their efficiencies, etc., all of which

can be addressed through platformization.

7.2. WOMEN-RUN PLATFORMS

Women-run firms in the platform economy

have been fairly successful in attracting and

retaining women workers over the past few

years. They adopt comprehensive measures

to catalyse the participation of women in

the economy. However, they do not scale

as rapidly as their counterparts in India.

Studies have documented their challenges

from limited network effect to heightened

safety and security concerns women face in

public spaces (IFC, 2018; IFC, 2020; Raman,

Ramachandran & Sindhu, 2021).

Therefore, greater information is needed to

understand the difficulties faced by women-

run platforms. Extensive research into this

domain would help design incentives to

promote their growth and help them scale

up.

7.3. ARE PLATFORMS

FORMALIZING OR

INFORMALIZING THE

ECONOMY?

There is also an urgent need to explore the

question being asked globally, on whether

platforms formalise or informalise the

economy? Formalising the economy can

be viewed from the lens of the firm and

establishment or lens of labour. The former

pertains to the financial aspect of a business;

whether or not it pays taxes, files paperwork

with regularity, etc. This is about standardising

and bringing structure at the enterprise level.

The labour perspective refers to conditions of

work and the status of workers engaged by

the firms under investigation. Therefore, the

labour view is all about formalising everyday

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The Future of the Platform Economy – A Research Agenda

work practices and including workers in the

formal work processes (Castells & Portes, 1989;

Unni, 2018; Sehrawat, et al, 2021).

In this backdrop, a pan-India study on the

formalising or informalising effects of the

platform economy must be undertaken.

It should also be determined if the effects

vary based on the degree of urbanisation,

among other factors. Such a heightened

understanding of the platform economy will

enable India to protect workers suitably while

also creating an enabling environment for the

sustainable growth of the platform economy.

7.4. CONTRIBUTION OF THE

PLATFORM ECONOMY TO

INDIA’S GDP

This report presents an indirect approach

to estimate the growth in the size of the

gig-platform economy and its contribution

to India’s economic output. Alternative

approaches grounded in actual data of the

number of workers wearing the platform

labour hat are necessary. Furthermore,

using these estimates, the platform

economy’s contribution to India’s GDP

must be determined. This exercise may also

enable India to unpack the pace at which

platformization is occurring across industries

and what enablers and barriers might be

causing the same.

India’s Booming Gig and Platform Economy: Perspectives and Recommendations on the Future of Work

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